Jim's Heaven On The Hudson

Skeeter Davis - The End Of The World (1963)

2011-09-25T19:39:00.000-04:00

Everly Brothers - All I Have To Do Is Dream

2011-09-25T19:34:00.000-04:00

The Crests - Sixteen Candles (Digitally Remastered)

2011-09-25T19:30:00.000-04:00

Wilson Staff Kirk Currie KC4 Adjustable Weight Putter

2009-02-22T22:20:00.001-05:00

Wilson Staff Kirk Currie KC4 Adjustable Weight Putter

* Ideal addition to any golf club set
* Putter features BalanceFit adjustable weight system for customized performance
* Weight system on putter head allows you to transfer three weight ranges (light, medium, heavy) to the head
* Optimal weight, loft, hosel offset, and shaft length and lie angle
* KC Series putter deliver smooth, controlled stroke
* Milled body for optimum weight distribution
* Milled face for smoother ball roll
* Available in left- or right-handed options with lengths from 33 to 25 inches

Shipping: Leaves our warehouse in 1-3 business days. *

Materials: Aluminum, rubber, steel
Model No: KC4
You can buy this club in my store.

We Can Make A contribution...

2009-01-10T17:40:00.001-05:00

Loving Thoughts On A Good Cause

2009-01-10T17:04:00.000-05:00

Caribbean Vacation for the Summer Vacation
By: Lena Hilltorp

For Americans summer has always been the time to go out on holidays and enjoy the beach and the Sun. what could be a better place for that than the Caribbean Islands with their lovely beaches, blue waters and the most pleasant sun. In fact the Caribbean has been such a huge hit with American tourists that today the tourism industry is one of the biggest industries of the place.

There are numerous islands in the Caribbean, but some have been all-time favorites with the tourists. The biggest destinations are the islands of Anguilla, Aruba, Bahamas, Curacao and the British Virgin Islands. A visit to any of these islands will leave you with happy memories, you can hardly ever forget.

Bahamas
Bahamas has always been a very popular destination for the American tourists because of its proximity to the country. Still having a feel of the British colonial days in its buildings and architecture, the Bahamas is also very tropical in spirit. Known for its beautiful beaches pine forests, Bahamas is the perfect place to sit back and relax.

If you are in the Bahamas you should never miss the Rand Nature Center where you get to see the exact recreation of a Lucayan Village, which has everything, from the chieftain's house to the dwelling huts. And if you are a food freak you got to taste the local snacks from a Bahamian straw market.

The Atlantis Resort is located on Paradise Island, near Nassau in the formerly-British Bahamas just a hop from Florida.

The guidebook "Caribbean With Kids" calls the Atlantis on Bahamas "one of the most lavish properties in the entire Caribbean": which is saying something, considering what the region offers.

The Atlantis Bahamas grounds have waterfalls, streams, lagoons filled with sea creatures, underwater viewing areas: with 11 exhibit lagoons and 11 million gallons of water, the resort claims it has the "largest marine habitat in the world".

The world's largest marine habitat, the largest casion in the Bahamas (and the Caribbean), a 15 million dollar marina, lagoons, waterfalls and the underwater ruins of Atlantis itself....Atlantis Bahamas Resort has achieved a distinctive combination of comfort and adventure unlike any other vacation destination.

Atlantis on Bahamas is a deluxe high rise with 2300 rooms and casino situated on the beach. Three towers make up the complex, the Beach, Coral and the newest is Royal Towers.

Anguilla
One of the best family destinations in the Caribbean, Anguilla is famous for its neat beaches many of which are non-commercial. And of course you have the rare opportunity to share the waters with dolphins in Dolphin Fantaseas - one of the biggest attractions of Anguilla. Another place to b e in is Scilly Cay - which provides the perfect setting for barbecue and snorkeling. But the most special thing about Anguilla is her people. They are among the warmest in Caribbean and they go all the way to make you feel comfortable and at home

Aruba
"One Cool Family" is the program organized by the Aruba government to pull in new tourists as well as bring back those who have already been to this lovely island. Such schemes emphasize how important tourism has become in these places and when the government is coming up with such ideas you can rest assure there would be enough effort to provide you with the finest holiday ever.

Apart from the exotic beaches and the clear blue seas other attractions of Aruba include Boca Prins, the perfect destination for dune sailing and land sailing. Of course there are arrangements for the regular activities like snorkeling and scuba diving.

Curacao

Just two and half hour from Miami, Curacao is unlike any other Caribbean island. Of course it has got the beaches and the lovely seas, but this dominion of the Kingdom of the Netherlands is also special because of its diverse mix of history and culture. The experience you have at Curacao is, in that sense unique among the Caribbean islands. If yours is a family which is into adventure this can be the perfect destination as you can head for the Hato Caves to witness the amazing dry land sea caves complete with underground pools, cave drawings and fossils which date back to millions of years. But if you are more interested in just lying back and enjoying your vacation you can do that too while enjoying the best of Curacao culture that has a strong influence of the Dutch.

British Virgin Islands
Once a haven for the pirates, the British Virgin Islands is today the perfect place for diving and snorkeling. It also provides you with the very best opportunities to sail. And if you have been a fan of Stevenson's Treasure Island, you can actually see for yourself from where it was inspired - the Norman Island. With calm waters, swimming is also one of the favorite activities among tourists.

Author Bio
Lena Hilltorp is a freelance publisher based in Sweden. She publishes articles and reports and provides Antlantis Bahamas resources on www.bahamasonline.org

Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

Be sure to visit my store.

American Morality - A Glimmer of Hope on the Horizon

2009-01-04T17:51:00.000-05:00

American Morality - A Glimmer of Hope on the Horizon

By: Thomas Sullivan

Has the United States lost it's basic principle of morality? Has the United States moved away from the guiding principles that this country was founded on? A single paragraph describes these basic principles and it is the meaning of this paragraph which provided the foundation for the formation of the United States:

"We hold these truths to be self evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." - Thomas Jefferson

All Americans are created equal and that life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness is a right granted to every citizen of the United States. Our founding fathers acquired these principles from their religious beliefs, and regardless of what people may think, the United States was founded on Biblical principles. Our founding fathers did not use certain aspects of the Bible just to satisfy what they wanted in a country. They used the Bible as a whole in order to create an understanding of what the basic rights are for an individual. They concluded that these rights are from God and are given to all individuals.

One of the unalienable rights given by our creator is the right to live our lives. Our creator placed each individual on this earth for a reason. Is it not true that other people in the world have that same unalienable right to live and fullfill God's purpose? So, if this is a founding principle for our country, does it not follow that we as a country should help others less fortunate then us? Should not others, who were born in underdeveloped countries, have the same right to life? In this article, I will address some of these questions, with the hope that by examining these issues, we can as a society, move in a direction our founding fathers had envisioned. Americans have lost site of the fact that excess without giving is not really what our founding fathers had in mind. Lets examine some examples which are symbolic of this immorality that currently exists within the American society.

Before presenting this first example, we need to have a clear definition of what morality is. From WordNet, a lexical database for the English language, developed at the Cognitive Science Library at Princeton University, morality is concern with the distinction between good and evil or right and wrong. This first example of immorality may be considered by many as one that does not have anything to do with morality, but if you give it more then cursory thought, you would most likely consider it a morality issue.

This first example has to do with Americans and their relationship with their automobiles. Yes, immorality can be seen at such a insignificant level. More importantly, this example shows the pervasiveness of immorality within the American society. Most Americans, if typical, need an automobile for basic functioning within most areas of the United States. The automobile has become a perfunctory status symbol. Many people within the United States can barely pay their rent, but they will shovel out money per month on an automobile they really can not afford. They spend money per month in the form of a car payment or lease, just to have a "nice" car.

The American obsession with the sport utility vehicle is one I still do not understand. One basic argument of the SUV owner is that by driving a SUV, they feel safer. If your driving skill is so poor that you can not avoid poor drivers, try working on your driving skill. This to me makes more sense then driving a tank (SUV) which consumes large quantities of fuel and concomitantly contributes to an increase in fuel demand. This increase in fuel demand drives fuel prices upward. With Americans so reliant upon their automobiles, higher fuel prices mean less extra money in their pocket. Money that could be used to help feed those dying from starvation throughout the world.

The American car companies for many years pushed the SUV on the American public, and now these car companies are suffering the consequences. The thinking as to why these companies offered these vehicles to the American public was that they thought Americans would continue in their mind set that excess is better. The American car companies today are doing poorly as a business. They have continually laid off workers in order to maintain a level of viability. They have been very slow to innovate, and they are now and will continue to suffer the consequences.

On the other hand, Toyota and Honda, companies which have put hybrids out into the market place, are now doing very well. These companies have always placed fuel efficiency as a higher priority. A glimmer of hope lies in the fact that Americans are starting to create the mind set that excess is not good, and frugality is the way of the future. Simply put, driving SUVs is not intelligent.

Driving an SUV when it really is not necessary is an example of overindulgence in the United States. Granted, there are situations where an individual needs a SUV such as Alaska or any area of the country where road conditions are poor or winters are severe. Or, there is the occasion where materials need to be transported which normally would not fit in a normal size car. In these cases, there is a legitimate reason to own a SUV because of it's utilitarian value. But the majority of SUV owners are not in these situations or extreme conditions frequently enough to warrant owning such a fuel wasting vehicle. Driving a hybrid is an example of intelligent frugality. Hopefully, Americans are starting to develop the mind set that having less is better and frugality is the way of the future.

Our society has been through a period of excess and over indulgence but changes, hopefully, are on the horizon. Morality in the form of giving needs to be reincorporated back into our society. It makes more sense to drive a more fuel efficient vehicle, and use some of the saved money to contribute to the world hunger problem. For most morally conscious individuals, this type of sustained and continual activity leads to greater long term happiness.

Giving does not have to be monetary, it can be in other forms, such as giving time or knowledge. This bring us to our next example of morality reduction that has been in existence in the United States. Many parents today are not giving enough time to their children. Children need to be nurtured. A parents wisdom, gained through a life time of experiences, needs to be imparted to their children. Parents need to impart to their children the value of giving and a feeling of concern for others. When I was a child growing up, school shootings where kids are killing teachers and fellow students, was virtually unheard of. Today, school shootings are occurring at an alarming frequency. To me, part of the problem is due to parents not spending enough time with their children. Again it comes down to giving. In this case, it comes down to giving time and knowledge. Parents not giving enough time to their children is another example of morality reduction within our society.

Another example of the immorality prevalent within our society is displayed by the films which come out of Hollywood today. I am sorry to say that most of these films really are to put it bluntly, garbage. Most of these films lack the cerebral quality of the earlier films. From a technical perspective i.e. special effects, they are excellent, but from a cerebral perspective, they are lacking. They are only produced in order to make money for those who are producing them, without any understanding to the implications they may have on society, especially younger people.

Creativity is basically gone from Hollywood and many of the movies coming out today are remakes of successful earlier films. Once and a while a good film will be presented to the American public, but generally speaking most are junk. Most of today's actors are not really household names. They come and go fairly quickly and lack the staying power of a John Wayne, Jimmy Stewart, or Humphrey Bogart. These actors displayed a level of integrity and they new about the personification they were displaying to the American public. They were not perfect, but they did display a higher level of morality.

Is our society spiraling downward into the oblivion of lost hope? I believe not. More and more we are seeing examples which display the positive value of giving. A case in point. Time Magazine finally got it right when they named rock star Bono, and Bill and Melinda Gates as the Persons of the Year for 2005. They were named persons of the year not because of anything that happened at Microsoft and not because Bono is a rock star, they were named persons of the year for their charitable work and activism aimed at reducing global poverty and improving world health. Finally a media organization is recognizing the value of giving.

Another sign of hope that Americans may be moving away from the mind set of excess and non-giving, can be seen in the enormous outpouring of giving monetarily in the wake of the worst hurricane season the United States has had on record. Americans have also given monetarily to the tsunami relief effort. Americans have not been giving readily to the current starving in Africa. In December 2005, the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization issued a warning that nearly 12 million Africans face the immediate threat of famine. Americans have not been giving to the Pakistani earthquake relief efforts.

This lack of giving is not really due to Americans not willing to give, but rather due to the lack of media exposure. CNN would rather spend hours talking about whether President Bush broke the law by wire tapping potential terrorists in the United States, then talk about the important world issues such as the thousands that are dying in the wake of the Pakistan earthquake or the starving in Africa. It is very important that the media expose these type of stories. You can not give if you do not know about the need.

The point is this. Giving on a continuous basis, produces feelings of long term happiness. For this country to get back to it's moral principles, giving to others in need is one way to move in that direction. Which brings me back to my original point. Americans need to fully get back to the mind set that giving and having less is of greater value then having more. We must move away from trying to produce short term happiness via artificial means.

Artificial symbols such as what type of car you drive, how fancy your clothing is, or how many vacation homes you can acquire should be of less importance to any one who has some substance to them. The next time you find yourself propagating one of these excesses, think of the 24,000 people per day that are dying of hunger. Think about the six million children under the age of five which will die of hunger each year. Think about the downtrodden, the abused, and the tortured. When you think about these things, giving makes more sense. Give what you can and when you can.

Albert Einstein once said " the value of a man resides in what he gives and not in what he is capable of receiving." What many people do not realize is that Albert Einstein was a deeply religious man. He knew that only a God could produce such a complex universe, and that such complexity could not have been produced by random chaotic events. He saw the order in the universe and the relation of the universe with God. He simply did not wear his religion on his sleeve. He also had insights beyond physics in that he realized what truly gives a man a sense of happiness and inner peace.

Einstein had it right in that happiness does not come from what you hold, but really from what you give. No matter what your religious belief, a life time of giving to those less fortunate then yourself, will result in long term happiness. Give it a try. You might be surprised at the feeling it produces. A glimmer of hope is on the horizon. The United States can move back to it's Biblical principles. But we must all do our part.

Author Bio
Thomas Sullivan, the author of this article, is a Search Engine Optimizer, Webmaster, Pilot, and activist for world hunger elimination. A relevant website he currently manages is Hunger Relief Organizations - World Hunger Statistics. For comments or questions, he can be reached via his email on his website.

Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

Be sure to visit my store.

You Will Enjoy Reading Ernest Holmes

2008-12-16T21:34:00.000-05:00

I believe you will find refuge in the pages of this book. I do. Ernest Holmes has insight that I aspire to.

Growing Old Gracefully

2008-12-16T21:19:00.000-05:00

This is an article I've printed before, but I figure it is a good starting off point for my new dedication.

GROWING OLD GRACEFULLY

Today the average duration of human life in the United States is just about 70 years for women and a little less for men. Conservative experts believe that man is really build to last about 100 years; and that medial advances and more healthful living habits could bring this about within a generation or two.
What good is it to add years to life if we do not also add life to years? In fact, unless people learn to enjoy life and to grow old gracefully, the extra years may be an additional burden.
From 18 to 30 years is roughly the period of highest physical and mental vigor. The experiences we accumulate from the day we are born help us to conserve and to use our physical and mental abilities more wisely, so that for some time after 30 years we are able to perform increasingly well in spite of slowly slipping vigor. After age 50 the increasing accumulation of experience is no longer able to offset the now more rapidly energy and therefore aging begins to assert itself noticeably and in many ways.
A number of things may come about gradually such as people who have not used eyeglasses before may at some time in their forties need them for reading, and in the fifties they usually need bifocals.
Also in the forties, people are likely to put on weight because there is a general slowdown in the oxidation rate of the aging body tissue. Also we tend to do less strenuous work with no reduction in the amount of food consumed.
And in the fifties there is likely to be some loss of hearing. Usually the high-pitched tomes go first, so words with the sounds of F, S, and TH are confused. A hearing aid may be needed in some cases.
Aging is generally accompanied by a loss in physical and mental flexibility. This is noticed in a tendency to become stiff in the joints; in slower comeback after a strenuous trip, excessive "night life," or hard work; in slower healing of wounds, sore muscles, and sprains; in slower recovery of pep after an illness; and in greater difficulty to adjust to new people, new places, and new ideas.
Men, especially, will notice loss of muscular strength. There will be increased unsteadiness and delicate muscle movements will be more clumsy and the stride in waking will become shorter. The conclusion now is that the performance and ability of the elderly has long been underestimated and can be greatly improved by a proper diet, sleep and exercise along with rest and relaxation.
Many elderly people tend to lose their joy and will to live and chronic worriers may mope around and withdraw. Medical authorities now say that laughter is one of the best medicines for the elderly. You can always keep your sense of humor tuned up by surrounding yourself with pleasant and interesting people. Just act your age and don't be afraid to laugh at yourself even when no else is around.
Now that we all know the role that physical activity plays in our lives, remember to do something physical every day. The joints must be used or quite simply they will tighten with age creating that stooped worn out appearance we so often associate with getting old. Keep yourself flexible and fit on an exercise program consistent with your ability.ration or two.
Come and visit my storemy store.

Safeguarding Your Food

2008-11-29T13:50:00.000-05:00

Safeguarding Your Food

Every year, an estimated 7 million Americans suffer from cases of foodborne illness. Some cases are violent and even result in death. Of course this is commonly known as "food poisoning." The culprit is food that has dangerously high levels of bacteria due to improper cooking or handling.

Food safety is usually taken for granted by the buying public but everyone's attention was recently directed to food poisoning involving some meat that was undercooked. It was determined that the problem never would have happened if the meat had been cooked properly. E.Coli 0157.H7 is a potent virus, but it can be completely destroyed when the meat is fully cooked.

It is important for consumers to take an all-around safety approach to purchasing, storing and preparing both traditional and new meat and poultry products. Ultimately, consumers and food handlers bear the responsibility for keeping food safe once it leaves the store.

According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, about 85 percent of foodborne illness cases could be avoided each year if consumers would handle food properly. The most common foodborne illnesses are caused by a combination of bacteria, naturally present in the environment, and food handling mistakes. Ironically, these are also the easiest types of foodborne illnesses to prevent. Proper cooking or processing of raw meat and poultry kills bacteria that can cause foodborne illness.

When you're out, grocery shop last, take food straight home to the refrigerator. And never leave food in a hot car! Don't buy anything you won't use before the use-by date. Don't buy food in poor condition. Make sure refrigerated food is cold to the touch. Frozen food should be rock-solid. Canned goods should be free of dents, cracks or bulging lids which can indicate a serious food poisoning threat.

The performance and maintenance of your refrigerator is of the utmost importance. Check the temperature of your refrigerator with an appliance thermometer. To keep bacteria in check, the refrigerator should run at 40 degrees F; the freezer unit at 0 degrees F. Generally, keep your refrigerator as cold as possible without freezing your milk or lettuce.

When you prepare food, keep everything clean and thaw out any frozen food you plan to prepare in your refrigerator. Take it out of the freezer in advance and place it in the refrigerated section of your refrigerator. Always wash your hands in hot soapy water before preparing and handling any food as well as after you use the bathroom, change diapers, handle pets, etc. Remember, too, that bacteria can live in your kitchen towels, sponges and dish cloths. Wash them often and replace the dish cloths and sponges you use regularly every few weeks.

Be absolutely sure that you keep all raw meats, poultry and fish and their juices away from other food. For instance, wash your hands, your cutting board and knife in hot soapy water after cutting up the chicken and before dicing salad ingredients. It is best to use plastic cutting boards rather than wooden ones where bacteria can hide in grooves. Don't take your food out of the freezer and leave it on the kitchen counter to thaw. This is extremely dangerous since the bacteria can grow in the outer layers of the food before the inside thaws. It is wise to do your marinating in the refrigerator too.

I, personally, love appetizers. I don't even have room for the meal at times.

Let's Not Forget Our Loved Ones

2008-11-29T13:44:00.000-05:00

Let's not forget our loved ones this time of year.

Growing Old Gracefully

2008-11-23T13:04:00.001-05:00

GROWING OLD GRACEFULLY

Today the average duration of human life in the United States is just about 70 years for women and a little less for men. Conservative experts believe that man is really build to last about 100 years; and that medial advances and more healthful living habits could bring this about within a generation or two.

What good is it to add years to life if we do not also add life to years? In fact, unless people learn to enjoy life and to grow old gracefully, the extra years may be an additional burden.

From 18 to 30 years is roughly the period of highest physical and mental vigor. The experiences we accumulate from the day we are born help us to conserve and to use our physical and mental abilities more wisely, so that for some time after 30 years we are able to perform increasingly well in spite of slowly slipping vigor. After age 50 the increasing accumulation of experience is no longer able to offset the now more rapidly energy and therefore aging begins to assert itself noticeably and in many ways.

A number of things may come about gradually such as people who have not used eyeglasses before may at some time in their forties need them for reading, and in the fifties they usually need bifocals.

Also in the forties, people are likely to put on weight because there is a general slowdown in the oxidation rate of the aging body tissue. Also we tend to do less strenuous work with no reduction in the amount of food consumed.

And in the fifties there is likely to be some loss of hearing. Usually the high-pitched tomes go first, so words with the sounds of F, S, and TH are confused. A hearing aid may be needed in some cases.

Aging is generally accompanied by a loss in physical and mental flexibility. This is noticed in a tendency to become stiff in the joints; in slower comeback after a strenuous trip, excessive "night life," or hard work; in slower healing of wounds, sore muscles, and sprains; in slower recovery of pep after an illness; and in greater difficulty to adjust to new people, new places, and new ideas.

Men, especially, will notice loss of muscular strength. There will be increased unsteadiness and delicate muscle movements will be more clumsy and the stride in waking will become shorter. The conclusion now is that the performance and ability of the elderly has long been underestimated and can be greatly improved by a proper diet, sleep and exercise along with rest and relaxation.

Many elderly people tend to lose their joy and will to live and chronic worriers may mope around and withdraw. Medical authorities now say that laughter is one of the best medicines for the elderly. You can always keep your sense of humor tuned up by surrounding yourself with pleasant and interesting people. Just act your age and don't be afraid to laugh at yourself even when no else is around.

Now that we all know the role that physical activity plays in our lives, remember to do something physical every day. The joints must be used or quite simply they will tighten with age creating that stooped worn out appearance we so often associate with getting old. Keep yourself flexible and fit on an exercise program consistent with your ability.ration or two.

Being Rich Doesn't Always mean You Are Wealthy

2008-11-20T11:45:00.001-05:00

Being Rich Does Not Always Mean You Are Wealthy
By: Eugene Chan

To be truly wealthy is to have money that lasts forever. This may be a blunt statement, but suddenly coming across a large sum of money does not necessarily mean you have become a wealthy person.To be wealthy is a state of mind. A person with a wealthy mindset may not necessarily be financially rich just yet but will be soon enough. On the other hand, a rich person without a wealthy mindset will squander the money very quickly.This could not be more true than those who win the lottery. After a few years, these lottery winners no longer possess the millions they came across so suddenly. An amount of money that should have lasted for at least a generation has been fleeted away.Case in point is UK lottery winner Michael Carroll who won £10 million in 2002 at the age of 19. It is reported that he had lost all his winnings 18 months later on things such as holiday homes, luxury cars, drugs, parties, jewellery and famously, a rural mansion used none other than as a dodgem car racetrack for his new friends.What is even sadder are cases of other lottery winners that end up with greater financial debt after their windfalls dry up than they had to begin. Some have even declared bankruptcy to be back where they had started - with nothing.From this, it is fair to say that being rich does not necessarily mean you are wealthy. A truly wealthy person would still possess the majority of the millions of dollars (if not more) because a wealthy person understands the fundamentals of how to manage their money.It can even be said that a wealthy person has a good relationship with money. Money sticks with them rather than repel away from them. It is through this understanding of how to manage money that dictates how long you will remain rich, or how soon you will become rich.A wealthy person knows to save their money. With the money that is saved, they firstly spend on things that earn them an income such as quality businesses, real estate and shares. In other words, the money a wealthy person retains is used to further create more money. The money they earn from their investments is then used to fund a rich lifestyle.On the contrary, for a (temporarily) rich person that does not have a wealthy mindset, they would have chosen to firstly spend on material things and eventually have no money left.However, nobody is born with a wealthy mindset and it certainly cannot be won. Importantly, a wealthy mindset is learnt. If Michael Carroll had a wealthy mindset when he won the lottery, he would likely still be living very nicely with most of his winnings intact.If a wealthy individual were to lose all their money today, it is likely that within a number of years, they would be back to a relatively comfortable financial position. Individuals such as Donald Trump, Martha Stewart and Sir Richard Branson have faced financial setbacks in their lives but were able to rebuild their financial positions because each has a wealthy mindset. These individuals firstly focussed on redeveloping their businesses rather than wasting their remaining fortunes on frivolous items and lifestyle decisions. Today, they enjoy life's luxuries because of their wealthy mindset.Michael Carroll clearly demonstrates that being rich does not always mean you are wealthy. On the other hand, having a wealthy mindset certainly gives you a greater chance at being rich because you understand how to manage and appreciate money. Each of us can learn to be wealthy. By developing this wealthy mindset, you will ultimately attract more money to you than repel it. Only then can you be rich and truly wealthy.
Author BioEugene Chan is the founder of http://save-money-make-money.blogspot.com which provides practical ideas to save money everyday.
Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

Vedic Medical Astrology

2008-11-14T14:46:00.000-05:00

Vedic Medical Astrology
By: G. Kumar

Medical Astrology is that branch of Astrology dealing with Health. The 12 Signs of the Zodiac are linked to the Twelve Limbs of the body. The Ascendant rules the Head and the 12th House, the Feet. The Law of Correspondences of Classical Philosophy has another term "The Doctrine of Signatures". This doctrine states that objects - animate and inanimate - are governed by planets and Classical Astrology has taken this concept beyond "The Law of Cause and Effect" and has defined it as Archetypal or Psychological.
Reflections of the intrinsic qualities of the planets can be seen in people, plants, animals & minerals. All that we see, touch, consume & harvest has a correspondence. By knowing our own planetary signature, we can consume those materials which correspond to our planetary signature and thus a healthy balance can be maintained. (In my horoscope, Jupiter is posited in Cancer and hence powerful in positional as well as directional strength. If I am afflicted by any sort of disease, the escape route is the Jupiterian Way - viz consuming more vegetables and fruits, as he rules fruits and vegetables. If I do that, I will be implementing what the Great Seers said long ago "Naturopathic food is medicine and medicine is food" )!
Since the Zodiacal Signs represent the Five Elements (Ether, Fire, Air, Earth & Water), the ancient astrological savants assigned everything in the Universe to a planetary ruler, and considered all as the manifestation of the Elemental Five and their respective qualities - hot and dry, cold and dry, hot and humid, cold and humid. Jupiter rules "Kapha" and the Sun "Pitta" (the three humors of Ayurveda). These elements were understood in a physical & metaphysical sense, as per the principle "As Above, So Below". Many body constitutions are defined in Ayurveda. The Phlegmatic (predominance of Kapha), the Bilious ( preponderance of Pitta) & the Windy (predominance of Vata). There are 4 types of Body Constitution in Western Holistic Medicine - Sanguine, Phlegmatic, Choleric and Melancholic.
Ayurvedic Therapy The Seven Planets correspond to the Three humours (Doshas) in Ayurveda
In the Ayurvedic Model, the Seven Revolving Heavens are classified thus (Vatam Pittayutha Karothi Dinakrith)
Jupiter KaphaSun PittaMoon Vata & KaphaMars PittaMercury Pitta, Vata & Kapha Venus Vata & KaphaSaturn Vata
The seven planets correspond to the Seven Gross Tissue - elements (dhatus) thus
Jupiter FatSaturn Veins &Mars Bone MarrowSun BonesMoon BloodMercury SkinVenus Seminal Energy
By analysing the horoscope, the astrologer can discern the badly placed planet and the corresponding Dhatu which has caused the problem and can prescribe Ayurvedic remedial measures ("Dushthithasyadi Dhatustho Rogeenam Roga Eeryatham")
Medical Astrology's perspective about the 12 Houses of the Zodiac
House OrganFirst House HeadSecond House FaceThird House ThroatFourth House HeartFifth House Place beneath the heartSixth House StomachSeventh House Generative OrganEighth House Upper ThighNinth House ThighTenth House KneeEleventh House CalfTwelfth House Feet
If the 6 H is afflicted, there can be digestive tract disorders. Natural malefics in the 6 H may create hyperacidity and gas trouble. Affliction either to the 7th house means disorders of the digestive tract, hyperacidity and gas trouble (Papa Saptamagah Tadodara Ruja). The same holds good for the 6 H (Papa Shashtagatha Tadodararuja). If the 6 H or the 7 H is afflicted, one should be very careful about the body's acidity level. The body's PH value should be kept at 7. Anything less than 7 is dangerous. The 80% alkaline nature of the body should be kept up & acidity should not be above 20%. The best foods to be taken are Vedic Foods, which are low acidity, low cholesterol diet.The Acidity - Alkalinity ratio should be kept at 80% -20%. That ratio can be maintained if you consume 100 grams fruits and 300 grams vegetables daily and avoid non-natural food. Natural foods are alkaline and non-veg basically acidic. From experience, it can be discerned that not only malefic planets bring in problems from enemies, but also problems to the stomach (Pape Shashtopagathe Vrina Bhayaschora Satru Peeda Cha).
If the 12 H is afflicted by malefic planets, there can be affliction to the feet. We have seen many a patient suffering from 12 H affliction and which manifests as problems on the feet.
Similarly, 4 H affliction means trouble to the Heart. I knew one patient with heart problem who had the North Node in the Fourth. He had a heart surgery. The North Node in the Heart region in the horoscope had effectuated this problem.
There are some astrologers who take this from the Horoscope of the Cosmic Man, that is from His Ascendant Aries. This method also yields results but from our experience, we follow the dictum of Natal Astrology that it is the Ascendant of the native which is the head and the Descendant the stomach region. I know many an astrologer who follow this from Aries Asc & if a malefic is posited in Virgo, in the 6 H of the Kalapurusha (Cosmic Man), he predicts stomach problems for the native. (Kalanarasya Avayavath Purushanam Kalpayeth). Or if a malefic is posited in Taurus, he predicts wounds on the face for the native.
Affliction to any house indicates affliction to the corresponding part of the body. North Node - or any other malefic - in the Sixth is indicative of stomach trouble & ulceration. Fourth house affliction means that the heart is afflicted and first house affliction means that the head is afflicted. (Pape Lagnagathe Parajaya Bhaya Siroruja)
The planets correspond to the different systems of Man thus
Sun The Bone SystemMoon The Circulatory SystemMars The Muscular SystemMercury The VeinsVenus The Reproductive SystemJupiter The Digestive System Saturn The Excretory System
From experience, Vedic Medical Astrology is found to be very accurate. In my father's horoscope, he had a specific yoga for Arthritis with Jupiter in Libra Asc and Saturn in Aries. My mother has Saturn in the 12 H; she has a problem in the leg. My co-brother has Mars in the 12 H; he is suffering from some nerve problem on the feet. I personally have the North Node in the 6 H and I have hyperacidity and gas trouble (Papa Shashtagatha Tadodararuja)!
Ayurvedic Gem Therapy
The following stones are prescribed in Ayurveda for specific disorders
Cancer EmeraldAllergy HessoniteSkin Diseases Cat's Eye, Lapis LazuliInsomnia PearlParalysis AmethystNervous Blue SapphireRheumatism Blue Sapphire, RubyArthritis Blue SapphireImpotence Topaz CoralDiabetes White Coral, Diamond, Emerald, TopazLiver problems CoralJaundice Coral, Emerald, TopazHyperacidity HessoniteGastric Ulcer Blue SapphireFlatulence Jade, Lapis LazuliDyspepsia JadeDysentry EmeraldColic Cat's EyeCholera Cat's Eye, TopazAbdominal Complaints EmeraldHeart Troubles Diamond, Pearl, Ruby, Lapis LazuliPenumonia DiamondPalpitation TopazTuberculosis Blue SapphireChest Pain Emerald, Ruby
Author BioG Kumar, Vedic Astrologer & Epistemologist of www.astrologiavedica.com & www.astrognosis.com. Recently he was awarded a Certificate by the Planetary Gemologists Association (www.p-g-a.org) as a Planetary Gem Advisor. He has 25 years psychic research experience in the esoteric arts. To subscribe to his Free ezine, the Z Files, click here SUBSCRIBE. He is contactable at info@eastrovedica.com. Address of his physical shop is Zodiac Computers, 3/528 Tkss Bldgs, East Nada, Guruvayur Kerala, India 680101. Office Phone +91 0487-552851. Home Phone +91 0487-422060. He has compiled Free Ebooks on AstroNumerology, Vedic Astrology & Pranic Therapy.
Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

Give The Perfect Gift

2008-11-13T12:51:00.000-05:00

Good Movies, Easy Access...

2008-11-13T12:08:00.001-05:00

Basics of Western Astrology Explained

2008-11-13T09:49:00.000-05:00

Basics of Western Astrology Explained
By: Paul Curran

IntroductionThis article covers the basics of Astrology and how they are inter-related. Astrology is defined as 'the art or practice of determining the supposed influences of the planets and their motions on human affairs and human disposition'. From this practice a horoscope can be produced - a diagram (or chart) of the relative positions of planets and signs of the Zodiac at a specific time, usually the time of birth. A forecast can then be produced.
The ZodiacWestern Astrology originated way back, around 500 BC, with a concept called the Zodiac being developed. This comprised of an imaginary sphere surrounding the earth, which followed the path of the Sun through the constellations during the year. The Zodiac was split into twelve sections, each named after the specific constellation noted in that area.
ElementsMany ancient philosophies used a set of classical elements to explain the way nature behaved. Each sign was connected to one of the classical elements (fire, earth, air, or water) and was also related to a region of focus; social, personal or universal.
* Water signs are related to growth processes, identification and emotion. In tandem with the other elements, water feels that fire will make it boil, air will evaporate it, but earth will shape and channel it.
* Fire signs are related to action, passion, and energy. In tandem with the other elements, fire feels that earth will smother it, water will drown it, but air will fan and enliven it.
* Air signs are related to thought, perspective and communication. In tandem with the other elements, air feels that water will obscure it, earth will suffocate it, but fire will inspire and uplift it.
* Earth signs are related to sensation, stability, and practicality. In tandem with the other elements, earth feels that air will dry it, fire will dry it, but water will refresh and nourish it.
ModalitiesEach sign is connected to one of three modalities; cardinal (sometimes referred to as movable), fixed, and mutable.
There are four quadrants following the order of the zodiacal signs, with three signs in each. Each quadrant describes a season, beginning with a cardinal sign, continuing to a fixed sign, and ending with a mutable sign.
Modalities and Related Zodiac Signs
Mutable signs are related to adaptability, resourcefulness and holism. They are Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius and Pisces.
Fixed signs are related to determination, focus and individuality. They are Taurus, Leo, Scorpio and Aquarius.
Cardinal signs are related to creativity and initiation. They are Aries, Cancer, Libra and Capricorn. Summary of Zodiac Sign Characteristics
Aries (cardinal, fire, personal): defensive, energetic, head down, assertive, impulsive.
Taurus (fixed, earth, personal): patient, indulgent, resourceful, thorough, devoted.
Gemini (mutable, air, personal): quick, logical, inquisitive.
Cancer (cardinal, water, personal): clinging, protective, sensitive.
Leo (fixed, fire, social): theatrical, generous, proud.
Virgo (mutable, earth, social): critically, practical, efficient.
Libra (cardinal, air, social): lazy, co-operative, fair.
Scorpio (fixed, water, social): anxious, passionate, sensitive.
Sagittarius (mutable, fire, universal): careless, free, straightforward.
Capricorn (cardinal, earth, universal): suspicious, prudent, cautious.
Aquarius (fixed, air, universal): detached, democratic, unconventional.
Pisces (mutable, water, universal): distracted, imaginative, sensitive.
Author BioPaul Curran is webmaster of Love Horoscope World covering Links2Love, resources about astrology online, chinese astrology and free love horoscopes.
Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

How Tarot Cards Can Help You... Really!

2008-11-10T17:41:00.001-05:00

How Tarot Cards Can Help You... Really!
By: Glen Wearden

What Are Tarot Cards?Made up of no less than seventy-eight cards, each deck of Tarot cards are all the same. Tarot cards come in all sizes with all types of artwork on both the front and back - some even make their own Tarot cards. The meaning and the message of each one of those seventy-eight cards, however, always remains the same.Tarot cards were first used by the Celtic people more than two thousand years ago. Many believe that Tarot cards serve only to tell the future, but this is not true. When used traditionally, Tarot cards speak of the past and present, and are supposed to give clues and ideas about the future that you are potentially heading into.What's In the Cards?Tarot cards are made up of four suits - much like any regular deck of cards. In fact, Tarot cards have all the same values as traditional playing cards: ace through king for each suit. Only one extra card is added to the royal family in Tarot cards - the squire, his position is just under that of the knave (also known as the jack). The suits are as follows: wands, which in general speak of esoteric issues such as spirituality or creativity; swords, which speak of conflicts and tensions; cups (or pentacles), which are always about money; and cups, which deal in relationship matters and love. The other twenty-two cards of the standard Tarot deck are called the Major Arcana cards, and are all very specific. Cards such as the Devil, the Tower, and Death are in the Major Arcana. How Could a Tarot Card Reading Actually Help Me?When done traditionally, a Tarot card reading can put everything into perspective in a clear and understandable way. Every Tarot card reading is prefaced by a question, one that you do not have to reveal to your Tarot card reader but that you keep to yourself. Each card will come up in the past, present, or future position and will shed some light on the topic of your question. Whether or not you believe in spiritual or esoteric things, or even in the art of telling the future, a Tarot card reading can help you better understand your own thoughts. You'll realize potentially dangerous patterns in your life, and get a better understanding of self. Even the question that you ask in your mind can help you understand something about yourself, and in this way a Tarot card reading can truly help you.Can Anyone Read Tarot Cards, Or Do I Have To Call Someone or Go Online?Anyone can learn how to read Tarot cards. There are many books available, both in online and physical bookstores that will tell you the meaning and message of each and every card. Every card in Tarot has a card-specific meaning, and a message or warning. The good news is, there's no secret about what these cards mean to convey - so you, too, can learn how to read the Tarot. Once you know the meaning of the cards (and it's not something you have to memorize; it's perfectly okay to keep notes by you when you try to give yourself a Tarot card reading), you can read the Tarot for yourself or for others. Any book you read about the Tarot will explain the spreads to use - the way to lay the cards out to understand their meaning and placement in the scheme of your question. An Ancient MysteryTarot cards are more ancient than religion. Tarot cards are older than most languages and most writing, and yet they are still around and are still being used today the exact same way they were used thousands of years ago. If Tarot cards didn't help people, why would they still be used and still be so popular?
Author BioI have been studying Tarot for seven years and have incorporated it in my dailly meditation routine. My purpose for this article is to give others a free resource which can hopefully change their lives for the better.
Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

Sometimes A Cell Phone Is Necessary...

2008-11-06T09:41:00.001-05:00

Imagine What you Can Do With This Camera!

2008-11-02T00:08:00.000-04:00

Casio EX-Z1080BE 10.1 MP Blue Digital Camera

10.1 Megapixel digital camera with high quality movie capabilities, and YouTube Capture Mode for easy upload to YouTube. The fashionable Exilim Z1080 offers a host of high performance features in a compact body. It will enable you to capture high-resolution images that reproduce crystal-clear even when printing very large sizes including 8x10. Equipped with a newly developed 2.6-inch wide and bright LCD that is nearly three times brighter than previous models and a Super Life Battery, this camera will allow you to enjoy a wide viewing angle for extended periods of time on a single battery charge. And, with the new combination of face detection technology and an auto-tracking AF system using motion analysis technology, this digital camera can detect human faces in an image while maintaining sharp focus and correct exposure for the human face.

Manufacturer: Casio Computer Co., Ltd
Manufacturer Part Number: EX-Z1080BE
Manufacturer Website Address: www.casio.com
Product Name: Exilim EX-Z1080 Digital Camera
Product Type: Digital Camera
Screen Size: 2.6"
Display Screen Type: Active Matrix TFT Color LCD
Display Resolution: 115000Pixel
Aspect Ratio: 16:9
Camera Resolution: 10.1Megapixel Effective - 10.3Megapixel Total
Image Formats: JPEG
Video Formats: MPEG-4
Audio Formats: WAV
Image Formats: JPEG
Maximum Image Resolution: 3648 x 2736
Video Formats: MPEG-4
Maximum Video Resolution: 848 x 480
Audio Formats: WAV
Focal Length: 7.9mm to 23.7mm
Lens Construction: 7 Elements in 5 Groups
Optical Zoom: 3x
Digital Zoom: 4x
Image Stabilization: Electronic
Focus Modes: Auto Focus
Flash Modes: Auto Flash
Flash Memory Capacity: 11.4MB
Memory Card Support: Secure Digital (SD) Card
Interfaces/Ports: 1 x USB
Battery Include: Yes
Color: Blue
Dimensions: 2.25" Height x 3.59" Width x 0.95" Depth
Weight: 4.41oz

Shipping: Leaves our warehouse in 1-3 business days.*

Warranty: 1 Year - Manufacturer
Materials: Metal, plastic
Model No: EX-Z1080BE
Dimensions: 2.5 in. H x 1 in. L x 3.5 in. W

Visit my store where you'll find other great treasures.

Give Me Libert Or Give Me Death

2008-10-28T11:37:00.000-04:00

This is one of my favorite speeches to read.

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death

Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities,
of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different
men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it
will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do
opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my
sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony.
The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country.
For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of
freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject
ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that
we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility
which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions
at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself
as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty
toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope.
We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the
song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part
of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty?
Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not,
and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their
temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost,
I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of
experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past.
And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct
of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with
which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House.
Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received?
Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves
to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our
petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and
darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and
reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that
force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves,
sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to
which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if
its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other
possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of
the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir,
she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other.
They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British
ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them?
Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years.
Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the
subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain.
Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we
find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir,
deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert
the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated;
we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have
implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and
Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced
additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded;
and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne!
In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and
reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free--
if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which
we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble
struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged
ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest
shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight!
An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable
an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week,
or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British
guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength but
irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance
by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until
our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make
a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.
The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a
country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy
can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone.
There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will
raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the
strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir,
we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late
to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery!
Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston!
The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace--
but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps
from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms!
Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle?
What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear,
or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?
Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take;
but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

2008-10-28T09:49:00.000-04:00

The Holidays Are Fast Approaching!

Sometime My Fantasies Need Some Help.

2008-10-28T09:24:00.000-04:00

Sometimes my fantasies need some help.

A Great Alternative for Movie Lovers

2008-10-26T15:41:00.001-04:00

For MP3 Lovers and others....

2008-10-26T15:32:00.000-04:00

Be sure to visit my store where you will find loads of other treasures.

"My Escape From Slavery" - Douglass

2008-10-26T15:19:00.000-04:00

It is a good time to reflect on how things were in our country and how things have really changed. Sometimes we see a great deal has evolved and sometimes....

Douglass, Frederick. "My Escape from Slavery."
The Century Illustrated Magazine 23, n.s. 1 (Nov. 1881): 125-131.

MY ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY

In the first narrative of my experience in slavery, written nearly
forty years ago, and in various writings since, I have given
the public what I considered very good reasons for withholding
the manner of my escape. In substance these reasons were, first,
that such publication at any time during the existence of slavery
might be used by the master against the slave, and prevent
the future escape of any who might adopt the same means that I did.

The second reason was, if possible, still more binding to silence:
the publication of details would certainly have put in peril
the persons and property of those who assisted. Murder itself was
not more sternly and certainly punished in the State of Maryland
than that of aiding and abetting the escape of a slave.

Many colored men, for no other crime than that of giving aid to
a fugitive slave, have, like Charles T. Torrey, perished in prison.
The abolition of slavery in my native State and throughout the country,
and the lapse of time, render the caution hitherto observed
no longer necessary. But even since the abolition of slavery,
I have sometimes thought it well enough to baffle curiosity
by saying that while slavery existed there were good reasons
for not telling the manner of my escape, and since slavery
had ceased to exist, there was no reason for telling it.

I shall now, however, cease to avail myself of this formula, and,
as far as I can, endeavor to satisfy this very natural curiosity.
I should, perhaps, have yielded to that feeling sooner, had there been
anything very heroic or thrilling in the incidents connected with
my escape, for I am sorry to say I have nothing of that sort to
tell; and yet the courage that could risk betrayal and the bravery
which was ready to encounter death, if need be, in pursuit of
freedom, were essential features in the undertaking.

My success was due to address rather than courage, to good luck rather than
bravery. My means of escape were provided for me by the very men
who were making laws to hold and bind me more securely in slavery.

It was the custom in the State of Maryland to require the free
colored people to have what were called free papers.
These instruments they were required to renew very often,
and by charging a fee for this writing, considerable sums from
time to time were collected by the State.

In these papers the name, age, color, height, and form of the freeman were described, together with any scars or other marks upon his person which
could assist in his identification. This device in some measure
defeated itself--since more than one man could be found to answer
the same general description.

Hence many slaves could escape by personating the owner of one set of papers; and this was often done as follows:

A slave, nearly or sufficiently answering the description set forth in the papers, would borrow or hire them till by means of them
he could escape to a free State, and then, by mail or otherwise,
would return them to the owner.

The operation was a hazardous one for the lender as well as for the borrower. A failure on the part of the fugitive to send back the papers would imperil his benefactor, and the discovery of the papers in possession of the wrong man
would imperil both the fugitive and his friend.

It was, therefore, an act of supreme trust on the part of a freeman of color thus to put in jeopardy his own liberty that another might be free. It was,
however, not unfrequently bravely done, and was seldom discovered.

I was not so fortunate as to resemble any of my free acquaintances
sufficiently to answer the description of their papers.
But I had a friend--a sailor--who owned a sailor's protection,
which answered somewhat the purpose of free papers--describing his person,
and certifying to the fact that he was a free American sailor.

The instrument had at its head the American eagle, which gave
it the appearance at once of an authorized document.
This protection, when in my hands, did not describe
its bearer very accurately. Indeed, it called for a man
much darker than myself, and close examination of it would
have caused my arrest at the start.

In order to avoid this fatal scrutiny on the part of railroad
officials, I arranged with Isaac Rolls, a Baltimore hackman,
to bring my baggage to the Philadelphia train just on the moment
of starting, and jumped upon the car myself when the train was in motion.
Had I gone into the station and offered to purchase a ticket,
I should have been instantly and carefully examined, and undoubtedly arrested.

In choosing this plan I considered the jostle of the train, and the natural
haste of the conductor, in a train crowded with passengers, and relied upon
my skill and address in playing the sailor, as described in my protection,
to do the rest.

One element in my favor was the kind feeling which prevailed
in Baltimore and other sea-ports at the time, toward "those who go down
to the sea in ships." "Free trade and sailors' rights" just then expressed
the sentiment of the country. In my clothing I was rigged out in sailor style.

I had on a red shirt and a tarpaulin hat, and a black cravat tied
in sailor fashion carelessly and loosely about my neck. My knowledge
of ships and sailor's talk came much to my assistance, for I knew a ship
from stem to stern, and from keelson to cross-trees, and could talk sailor
like an "old salt."

I was well on the way to Havre de Grace before
the conductor came into the negro car to collect tickets and examine
the papers of his black passengers. This was a critical moment in the drama.
My whole future depended upon the decision of this conductor.

Agitated though I was while this ceremony was proceeding, still,
externally, at least, I was apparently calm and self-possessed.

He went on with his duty--examining several colored passengers
before reaching me. He was somewhat harsh in tome and peremptory
in manner until he reached me, when, strange enough, and to my surprise
and relief, his whole manner changed. Seeing that I did not readily
produce my free papers, as the other colored persons in the car had done,
he said to me, in friendly contrast with his bearing toward the others:

"I suppose you have your free papers?"

To which I answered:

"No sir; I never carry my free papers to sea with me."

"But you have something to show that you are a freeman, haven't you?"

"Yes, sir," I answered; "I have a paper with the American Eagle on it,
and that will carry me around the world."

With this I drew from my deep sailor's pocket my seaman's protection,
as before described. The merest glance at the paper satisfied him,
and he took my fare and went on about his business. This moment
of time was one of the most anxious I ever experienced.

Had the conductor looked closely at the paper, he could not
have failed to discover that it called for a very different-looking
person from myself, and in that case it would have been his duty
to arrest me on the instant, and send me back to Baltimore
from the first station.

When he left me with the assurance that I was all right, though much relieved, I realized that I was still in great danger: I was still in Maryland,
and subject to arrest at any moment. I saw on the train
several persons who would have known me in any other clothes,
and I feared they might recognize me, even in my sailor "rig,"
and report me to the conductor, who would then subject me
to a closer examination, which I knew well would be fatal to me.

Though I was not a murderer fleeing from justice, I felt perhaps
quite as miserable as such a criminal. The train was moving
at a very high rate of speed for that epoch of railroad travel,
but to my anxious mind it was moving far too slowly. Minutes were hours,
and hours were days during this part of my flight.

After Maryland, I was to pass through Delaware--another slave State, where slave-catchers generally awaited their prey, for it was not in the interior of the State, but on its borders, that these human hounds were most vigilant and active.

The border lines between slavery and freedom were the dangerous ones
for the fugitives. The heart of no fox or deer, with hungry hounds
on his trail in full chase, could have beaten more anxiously or noisily
than did mine from the time I left Baltimore till I reached Philadelphia.

The passage of the Susquehanna River at Havre de Grace was at that time
made by ferry-boat, on board of which I met a young colored man by the name of Nichols, who came very near betraying me. He was a "hand" on the boat, but, instead of minding his business, he insisted upon knowing me,
and asking me dangerous questions as to where I was going, when I was coming back, etc.

I got away from my old and inconvenient acquaintance as soon as I could decently do so, and went to another part of the boat. Once across the river, I encountered a new danger.

Only a few days before, I had been at work on a revenue cutter,
in Mr. Price's ship-yard in Baltimore, under the care of Captain McGowan.
On the meeting at this point of the two trains, the one going
south stopped on the track just opposite to the one going north,
and it so happened that this Captain McGowan sat at a window where
he could see me very distinctly, and would certainly have recognized
me had he looked at me but for a second.

Fortunately, in the hurry of the moment, he did not see me; and the trains soon passed each other on their respective ways. But this was not my only hair-breadth escape. A German blacksmith whom I knew well was on the
train with me, and looked at me very intently, as if he thought
he had seen me somewhere before in his travels. I really
believe he knew me, but had no heart to betray me. At any rate,
he saw me escaping and held his peace.

The last point of imminent danger, and the one I dreaded most,
was Wilmington. Here we left the train and took the steam-boat
for Philadelphia. In making the change here I again apprehended arrest,
but no one disturbed me, and I was soon on the broad and beautiful Delaware, speeding away to the Quaker City.

On reaching Philadelphia in the afternoon, I inquired of a colored man how I could get on to New York. He directed me to the William-street depot, and thither I went, taking the train that night.

I reached New York Tuesday morning, having completed the journey in less
than twenty-four hours.

My free life began on the third of September, 1838. On the morning
of the fourth of that month, after an anxious and most perilous but safe
journey, I found myself in the big city of New York, a FREE MAN--
one more added to the mighty throng which, like the confused waves
of the troubled sea, surged to and fro between the lofty walls of Broadway.

Though dazzled with the wonders which met me on every hand, my thoughts
could not be much withdrawn from my strange situation. For the moment,
the dreams of my youth and the hopes of my manhood were completely fulfilled.

The bonds that had held me to "old master" were broken. No man now
had a right to call me his slave or assert mastery over me. I was
in the rough and tumble of an outdoor world, to take my chance with
the rest of its busy number.

I have often been asked how I felt when first I found myself on free soil.

There is scarcely anything in my experience about which I could not give a more satisfactory answer. A new world had opened upon me. If life is more than breath and the "quick round of blood," I lived more in that one day than in a year of my slave life.

It was a time of joyous excitement which words can but tamely describe. In a letter written to a friend soon after reaching New York, I said: "I felt as one might feel upon escape from a den of hungry lions." Anguish and grief, like darkness and rain, may be depicted; but gladness and joy, like the rainbow, defy the skill of pen or pencil.

During ten or fifteen years I had been, as it were, dragging a heavy chain which no strength of mine could break; I was not only a slave, but a slave for life. I might become a husband, a father, an aged man, but through all, from birth to death, from the cradle to the grave, I had felt myself doomed.

All efforts I had previously made to secure my freedom had not only failed, but had seemed only to rivet my fetters the more firmly, and to render my escape more difficult.

Baffled, entangled, and discouraged, I had at times asked myself
the question, May not my condition after all be God's work,
and ordered for a wise purpose, and if so, Is not submission my duty?

A contest had in fact been going on in my mind for a long time,
between the clear consciousness of right and the plausible make-
shifts of theology and superstition. The one held me an abject
slave--a prisoner for life, punished for some transgression in
which I had no lot nor part; and the other counseled me to manly
endeavor to secure my freedom. This contest was now ended; my
chains were broken, and the victory brought me unspeakable joy.

But my gladness was short-lived, for I was not yet out of the reach
and power of the slave-holders. I soon found that New York was not quite
so free or so safe a refuge as I had supposed, and a sense of loneliness
and insecurity again oppressed me most sadly.

I chanced to meet on the street, a few hours after my landing, a fugitive slave whom I had once known well in slavery. The information received from him alarmed me.

The fugitive in question was known in Baltimore as "Allender's Jake," but in New York he wore the more respectable name of "William Dixon." Jake, in law, was the property of Doctor Allender, and Tolly Allender, the son
of the doctor, had once made an effort to recapture MR. DIXON,
but had failed for want of evidence to support his claim.

Jake told me the circumstances of this attempt, and how narrowly
he escaped being sent back to slavery and torture. He told me that New York
was then full of Southerners returning from the Northern watering-places;
that the colored people of New York were not to be trusted; that there were
hired men of my own color who would betray me for a few dollars;
that there were hired men ever on the lookout for fugitives;
that I must trust no man with my secret; that I must not think
of going either upon the wharves or into any colored boarding-house,
for all such places were closely watched; that he was himself unable
to help me; and, in fact, he seemed while speaking to me to fear lest
I myself might be a spy and a betrayer. Under this apprehension,
as I suppose, he showed signs of wishing to be rid of me,
and with whitewash brush in hand, in search of work, he soon disappeared.

This picture, given by poor "Jake," of New York, was a damper
to my enthusiasm. My little store of money would soon be exhausted,
and since it would be unsafe for me to go on the wharves for work,
and I had no introductions elsewhere, the prospect for me was far from
cheerful. I saw the wisdom of keeping away from the ship-yards,
for, if pursued, as I felt certain I should be, Mr. Auld, my "master,"
would naturally seek me there among the calkers.

Every door seemed closed against me. I was in the midst of an ocean of my fellow-men, and yet a perfect stranger to every one. I was without home,
without acquaintance, without money, without credit, without work,
and without any definite knowledge as to what course to take,
or where to look for succor.

In such an extremity, a man had something besides his new-born freedom to think of. While wandering about the streets of New York, and lodging at least one night among the barrels on one of the wharves, I was indeed free--from slavery, but free from food and shelter as well.

I kept my secret to myself as long as I could, but I was compelled at last to seek some one who would befriend me without taking advantage of my destitution to betray me.

Such a person I found in a sailor named Stuart, a warm-hearted and generous fellow, who, from his humble home on Centre street, saw me standing on the opposite sidewalk, near the Tombs prison. As he approached me, I ventured a remark to him which at once enlisted his interest in me. He took me to his home to spend the night, and in the morning went with me to Mr. David Ruggles, the secretary of the New York Vigilance Committee, a co-worker with Isaac T. Hopper, Lewis and Arthur Tappan, Theodore S. Wright, Samuel Cornish, Thomas Downing, Philip A. Bell, and other true men of their time.

All these (save Mr. Bell, who still lives, and is editor and publisher of a paper
called the "Elevator," in San Francisco) have finished their work on earth.
Once in the hands of these brave and wise men, I felt comparatively safe.
With Mr. Ruggles, on the corner of Lispenard and Church streets,
I was hidden several days, during which time my intended wife came on
from Baltimore at my call, to share the burdens of life with me.

She was a free woman, and came at once on getting the good news of my safety. We were married by Rev. J. W. C. Pennington, then a well-known and respected Presbyterian minister. I had no money with which to pay the marriage fee, but he seemed well pleased with our thanks.

Mr. Ruggles was the first officer on the "Underground Railroad"
whom I met after coming North, and was, indeed, the only one with whom
I had anything to do till I became such an officer myself.

Learning that my trade was that of a calker, he promptly decided
that the best place for me was in New Bedford, Mass.
He told me that many ships for whaling voyages were fitted out there,
and that I might there find work at my trade and make a good living.
So, on the day of the marriage ceremony, we took our little luggage
to the steamer John W. Richmond, which, at that time, was one of the line
running between New York and Newport, R. I. Forty-three years ago
colored travelers were not permitted in the cabin, nor allowed abaft
the paddle-wheels of a steam vessel.

They were compelled, whatever the weather might be,--whether cold or hot, wet or dry,-- to spend the night on deck. Unjust as this regulation was,
it did not trouble us much; we had fared much harder before.
We arrived at Newport the next morning, and soon after an
old fashioned stage-coach, with "New Bedford" in large yellow letters
on its sides, came down to the wharf.

I had not money enough to pay our fare, and stood hesitating what to do. Fortunately for us, there were two Quaker gentlemen who were about to take passage on the stage,-- Friends William C. Taber and Joseph Ricketson,--who at once discerned our true situation, and, in a peculiarly quiet way, addressing me, Mr. Taber said: "Thee get in." I never obeyed an order with more alacrity, and we were soon on our way to our new home.

When we reached "Stone Bridge" the passengers alighted for breakfast, and paid their fares to the driver. We took no breakfast, and, when asked for our fares, I told the driver I would make it right with him when we reached New Bedford.

I expected some objection to this on his part, but he made none.
When, however, we reached New Bedford, he took our baggage,
including three music-books,--two of them collections by Dyer,
and one by Shaw,--and held them until I was able to redeem them
by paying to him the amount due for our rides. This was soon done,
for Mr. Nathan Johnson not only received me kindly and hospitably,
but, on being informed about our baggage, at once loaned me the two
dollars with which to square accounts with the stage-driver.

Mr. and Mrs. Nathan Johnson reached a good old age, and now rest
from their labors. I am under many grateful obligations to them.
They not only "took me in when a stranger" and "fed me when hungry,"
but taught me how to make an honest living. Thus, in a fortnight
after my flight from Maryland, I was safe in New Bedford, a citizen of
the grand old commonwealth of Massachusetts.

Once initiated into my new life of freedom and assured by Mr. Johnson
that I need not fear recapture in that city, a comparatively unimportant
question arose as to the name by which I should be known thereafter
in my new relation as a free man. The name given me by my dear mother
was no less pretentious and long than Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey.
I had, however, while living in Maryland, dispensed with the
Augustus Washington, and retained only Frederick Bailey.

Between Baltimore and New Bedford, the better to conceal myself
from the slave-hunters, I had parted with Bailey and called myself Johnson;
but in New Bedford I found that the Johnson family was already so numerous
as to cause some confusion in distinguishing them, hence a change in this name seemed desirable.

Nathan Johnson, mine host, placed great emphasis upon
this necessity, and wished me to allow him to select a name for me.
I consented, and he called me by my present name--the one by which
I have been known for three and forty years--Frederick Douglass.
Mr. Johnson had just been reading the "Lady of the Lake,"
and so pleased was he with its great character that he wished me
to bear his name.

Since reading that charming poem myself, I have often thought that, considering the noble hospitality and manly character of Nathan Johnson--black man though he was--he, far more than I, illustrated the virtues of the Douglas of Scotland.

Sure am I that, if any slave-catcher had entered his domicile
with a view to my recapture, Johnson would have shown himself like him
of the "stalwart hand."

The reader may be surprised at the impressions I had in some way conceived
of the social and material condition of the people at the North.
I had no proper idea of the wealth, refinement, enterprise,
and high civilization of this section of the country.

My "Columbian Orator," almost my only book, had done nothing
to enlighten me concerning Northern society. I had been taught
that slavery was the bottom fact of all wealth. With this foundation idea,
I came naturally to the conclusion that poverty must be the general
condition of the people of the free States.

In the country from which I came, a white man holding no slaves was usually an ignorant and poverty-stricken man, and men of this class were contemptuously called "poor white trash."

Hence I supposed that, since the non-slave-holders at the South were ignorant, poor, and degraded as a class, the non-slave-holders at the North must be in a similar condition.

I could have landed in no part of the United States where I should have found a more striking and gratifying contrast, not only to life generally in the South, but in the condition of the colored people there, than in New Bedford.

I was amazed when Mr. Johnson told me that there was nothing in the laws or constitution of Massachusetts that would prevent a colored man from being governor of the State, if the people should see fit to elect him. There, too, the black man's children attended the public schools with the white man's children, and apparently without objection from any quarter.

To impress me with my security from recapture and return to slavery, Mr. Johnson assured me that no slave-holder could take a slave out of New Bedford; that there were men there who would lay down their lives to save me from such a fate.

The fifth day after my arrival, I put on the clothes of a common laborer,
and went upon the wharves in search of work. On my way down Union street I saw a large pile of coal in front of the house of Rev. Ephraim Peabody, the Unitarian minister. I went to the kitchen door and asked the privilege of bringing in and putting away this coal. "What will you charge?"
said the lady. "I will leave that to you, madam." "You may put it away,"
she said.

I was not long in accomplishing the job, when the dear lady
put into my hand TWO SILVER HALF-DOLLARS. To understand the emotion which swelled my heart as I clasped this money, realizing that I had no master who could take it from me,--THAT IT WAS MINE--THAT MY HANDS WERE MY OWN, and could earn more of the precious coin,--one must have been in some sense himself a slave.

My next job was stowing a sloop at Uncle Gid. Howland's wharf with a cargo of oil for New York. I was not only a freeman, but a free working-man, and no "master" stood ready at the end of the week to seize my hard earnings.

The season was growing late and work was plenty. Ships were being
fitted out for whaling, and much wood was used in storing them.
The sawing this wood was considered a good job. With the help
of old Friend Johnson (blessings on his memory) I got a saw and "buck,"
and went at it.

When I went into a store to buy a cord with which
to brace up my saw in the frame, I asked for a "fip's" worth of cord.
The man behind the counter looked rather sharply at me, and said with
equal sharpness, "You don't belong about here." I was alarmed,
and thought I had betrayed myself. A fip in Maryland was
six and a quarter cents, called fourpence in Massachusetts.

But no harm came from the "fi'penny-bit" blunder, and I confidently
and cheerfully went to work with my saw and buck. It was new business to me, but I never did better work, or more of it, in the same space of time
on the plantation for Covey, the negro-breaker, than I did for myself
in these earliest years of my freedom.

Notwithstanding the just and humane sentiment of New Bedford
three and forty years ago, the place was not entirely free from
race and color prejudice. The good influence of the Roaches,
Rodmans, Arnolds, Grinnells, and Robesons did not pervade all
classes of its people. The test of the real civilization of the
community came when I applied for work at my trade, and then my
repulse was emphatic and decisive.

It so happened that Mr. Rodney French, a wealthy and enterprising citizen, distinguished as an anti-slavery man, was fitting out a vessel for a whaling voyage, upon which there was a heavy job of calking and coppering to be
done. I had some skill in both branches, and applied to Mr. French
for work. He, generous man that he was, told me he would employ
me, and I might go at once to the vessel.

I obeyed him, but upon reaching the float-stage, where others [sic] calkers were at work, I was told that every white man would leave the ship, in her
unfinished condition, if I struck a blow at my trade upon her.

This uncivil, inhuman, and selfish treatment was not so shocking
and scandalous in my eyes at the time as it now appears to me.
Slavery had inured me to hardships that made ordinary trouble sit
lightly upon me. Could I have worked at my trade I could have
earned two dollars a day, but as a common laborer I received but
one dollar.

The difference was of great importance to me, but if
I could not get two dollars, I was glad to get one; and so I went
to work for Mr. French as a common laborer. The consciousness
that I was free--no longer a slave--kept me cheerful under this,
and many similar proscriptions, which I was destined to meet in
New Bedford and elsewhere on the free soil of Massachusetts.

For instance, though colored children attended the schools,
and were treated kindly by their teachers, the New Bedford Lyceum
refused, till several years after my residence in that city,
to allow any colored person to attend the lectures delivered in its
hall. Not until such men as Charles Sumner, Theodore Parker,
Ralph Waldo Emerson, and Horace Mann refused to lecture in their
course while there was such a restriction, was it abandoned.

Becoming satisfied that I could not rely on my trade in New
Bedford to give me a living, I prepared myself to do any kind of
work that came to hand. I sawed wood, shoveled coal, dug cellars,
moved rubbish from back yards, worked on the wharves, loaded and
unloaded vessels, and scoured their cabins.

I afterward got steady work at the brass-foundry owned by Mr. Richmond.
My duty here was to blow the bellows, swing the crane, and empty the flasks
in which castings were made; and at times this was hot and heavy work.
The articles produced here were mostly for ship work, and in the busy season
the foundry was in operation night and day. I have often worked two nights
and every working day of the week.

My foreman, Mr. Cobb, was a good man, and more than once protected me from abuse that one or more of the hands was disposed to throw upon me. While in this situation I had little time for mental improvement. Hard work, night and day, over a furnace hot enough to keep the metal running like water, was more favorable to action than thought; yet here I often nailed a newspaper to the post near my bellows, and read while I was performing the up and down motion of the heavy beam by which the bellows was inflated and discharged.

It was the pursuit of knowledge under difficulties, and I look back to it now,
after so many years, with some complacency and a little wonder that I could
have been so earnest and persevering in any pursuit other than for my
daily bread. I certainly saw nothing in the conduct of those around
to inspire me with such interest: they were all devoted exclusively
to what their hands found to do. I am glad to be able to say that,
during my engagement in this foundry, no complaint was ever made against
me that I did not do my work, and do it well. The bellows which I worked
by main strength was, after I left, moved by a steam-engine.

Douglass, Frederick. "Reconstruction."
Atlantic Monthly 18 (1866): 761-765.

RECONSTRUCTION

The assembling of the Second Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress
may very properly be made the occasion of a few earnest words
on the already much-worn topic of reconstruction.

Seldom has any legislative body been the subject of a solicitude
more intense, or of aspirations more sincere and ardent.
There are the best of reasons for this profound interest.
Questions of vast moment, left undecided by the last session of Congress,
must be manfully grappled with by this. No political skirmishing will avail.
The occasion demands statesmanship.

Whether the tremendous war so heroically fought and so victoriously ended
shall pass into history a miserable failure, barren of permanent results,--
a scandalous and shocking waste of blood and treasure,--a strife for empire,
as Earl Russell characterized it, of no value to liberty or civilization,
--an attempt to re-establish a Union by force, which must be the
merest mockery of a Union,--an effort to bring under Federal authority
States into which no loyal man from the North may safely enter,
and to bring men into the national councils who deliberate with daggers
and vote with revolvers, and who do not even conceal their deadly hate
of the country that conquered them; or whether, on the other hand,
we shall, as the rightful reward of victory over treason, have a solid nation,
entirely delivered from all contradictions and social antagonisms,
based upon loyalty, liberty, and equality, must be determined one way
or the other by the present session of Congress.

The last session really did nothing which can be considered final as to these questions. The Civil Rights Bill and the Freedmen's Bureau Bill and the proposed constitutional amendments, with the amendment already adopted and recognized as the law of the land, do not reach the difficulty, and cannot,
unless the whole structure of the government is changed from a
government by States to something like a despotic central government,
with power to control even the municipal regulations of States,
and to make them conform to its own despotic will.

While there remains such an idea as the right of each State to control its own local affairs,-- an idea, by the way, more deeply rooted in the minds of men of all sections of the country than perhaps any one other political idea,--no general assertion of human rights can be of any practical value.

To change the character of the government at this point is neither possible nor desirable. All that is necessary to be done is to make the government consistent with itself, and render the rights of the States compatible with the sacred rights of human nature.

The arm of the Federal government is long, but it is far too short
to protect the rights of individuals in the interior of distant States.
They must have the power to protect themselves, or they will go unprotected,
spite of all the laws the Federal government can put upon the national
statute-book.

Slavery, like all other great systems of wrong, founded in the depths
of human selfishness, and existing for ages, has not neglected its own
conservation. It has steadily exerted an influence upon all around
it favorable to its own continuance. And to-day it is so strong that it could exist, not only without law, but even against law.

Custom, manners, morals, religion, are all on its side everywhere
in the South; and when you add the ignorance and servility
of the ex-slave to the intelligence and accustomed authority
of the master, you have the conditions, not out of which slavery
will again grow, but under which it is impossible for the Federal
government to wholly destroy it, unless the Federal government
be armed with despotic power, to blot out State authority,
and to station a Federal officer at every cross-road.

This, of course, cannot be done, and ought not even if it could.
The true way and the easiest way is to make our government entirely
consistent with itself, and give to every loyal citizen the elective franchise,
--a right and power which will be ever present, and will form a wall
of fire for his protection.

One of the invaluable compensations of the late Rebellion
is the highly instructive disclosure it made of the true source
of danger to republican government. Whatever may be tolerated
in monarchical and despotic governments, no republic is safe
that tolerates a privileged class, or denies to any of its citizens
equal rights and equal means to maintain them. What was theory
before the war has been made fact by the war.

There is cause to be thankful even for rebellion. It is an impressive teacher,
though a stern and terrible one. In both characters it has come to us,
and it was perhaps needed in both. It is an instructor never
a day before its time, for it comes only when all other means
of progress and enlightenment have failed.

Whether the oppressed and despairing bondman, no longer able to repress his deep yearnings for manhood, or the tyrant, in his pride and impatience, takes the initiative, and strikes the blow for a firmer hold and a longer lease of oppression, the result is the same,--society is instructed, or may be.

Such are the limitations of the common mind, and so thoroughly
engrossing are the cares of common life, that only the few among
men can discern through the glitter and dazzle of present prosperity
the dark outlines of approaching disasters, even though they may have
come up to our very gates, and are already within striking distance.

The yawning seam and corroded bolt conceal their defects from the mariner
until the storm calls all hands to the pumps. Prophets, indeed,
were abundant before the war; but who cares for prophets while
their predictions remain unfulfilled, and the calamities of which
they tell are masked behind a blinding blaze of national prosperity?

It is asked, said Henry Clay, on a memorable occasion,
Will slavery never come to an end? That question, said he,
was asked fifty years ago, and it has been answered by fifty years
of unprecedented prosperity. Spite of the eloquence of the earnest
Abolitionists,--poured out against slavery during thirty years,--
even they must confess, that, in all the probabilities of the case,
that system of barbarism would have continued its horrors far beyond
the limits of the nineteenth century but for the Rebellion,
and perhaps only have disappeared at last in a fiery conflict,
even more fierce and bloody than that which has now been suppressed.

It is no disparagement to truth, that it can only prevail
where reason prevails. War begins where reason ends.
The thing worse than rebellion is the thing that causes rebellion.
What that thing is, we have been taught to our cost. It remains now
to be seen whether we have the needed courage to have that cause
entirely removed from the Republic.

At any rate, to this grand work of national regeneration and entire purification Congress must now address Itself, with full purpose that the work shall this time be thoroughly done.

The deadly upas, root and branch, leaf and fibre, body and sap, must be utterly destroyed. The country is evidently not in a condition to listen patiently to pleas for postponement, however plausible, nor will it permit the responsibility to be shifted to other shoulders. Authority and power are here commensurate with the duty imposed. There are no cloud-flung shadows to obscure the way.

Truth shines with brighter light and intenser heat at every moment,
and a country torn and rent and bleeding implores relief
from its distress and agony.

If time was at first needed, Congress has now had time.
All the requisite materials from which to form an intelligent
judgment are now before it. Whether its members look at the origin,
the progress, the termination of the war, or at the mockery of
a peace now existing, they will find only one unbroken chain of argument
in favor of a radical policy of reconstruction.

For the omissions of the last session, some excuses may be allowed. A treacherous President stood in the way; and it can be easily seen how reluctant good men might be to admit an apostasy which involved so much
of baseness and ingratitude.

It was natural that they should seek to save him by bending to him even when he leaned to the side of error. But all is changed now.

Congress knows now that it must go on without his aid, and even against his machinations.

The advantage of the present session over the last is immense.
Where that investigated, this has the facts. Where that walked by faith,
this may walk by sight. Where that halted, this must go forward,
and where that failed, this must succeed, giving the country whole
measures where that gave us half-measures, merely as a means of
saving the elections in a few doubtful districts.

That Congress saw what was right, but distrusted the enlightenment of the loyal masses; but what was forborne in distrust of the people must now be done with a full knowledge that the people expect and require it.

The members go to Washington fresh from the inspiring presence of the people. In every considerable public meeting, and in almost every conceivable way, whether at court-house, school-house, or cross-roads, in doors and out, the subject has been discussed, and the people have emphatically pronounced in favor of a radical policy.

Listening to the doctrines of expediency and compromise with pity, impatience, and disgust, they have everywhere
broken into demonstrations of the wildest enthusiasm when a brave word
has been spoken in favor of equal rights and impartial suffrage.
Radicalism, so far from being odious, is not the popular passport to power.

The men most bitterly charged with it go to Congress with the
largest majorities, while the timid and doubtful are sent by lean majorities,
or else left at home. The strange controversy between the President
and the Congress, at one time so threatening, is disposed of by the people.

The high reconstructive powers which he so confidently, ostentatiously,
and haughtily claimed, have been disallowed, denounced, and utterly repudiated; while those claimed by Congress have been confirmed.

Of the spirit and magnitude of the canvass nothing need be said.
The appeal was to the people, and the verdict was worthy of the tribunal.
Upon an occasion of his own selection, with the advice and approval
of his astute Secretary, soon after the members of the Congress had returned
to their constituents, the President quitted the executive mansion,
sandwiched himself between two recognized heroes,--men whom the whole country delighted to honor,--and, with all the advantage which such company
could give him, stumped the country from the Atlantic to the Mississippi,
advocating everywhere his policy as against that of Congress.

It was a strange sight, and perhaps the most disgraceful exhibition
ever made by any President; but, as no evil is entirely unmixed,
good has come of this, as from many others. Ambitious, unscrupulous,
energetic, indefatigable, voluble, and plausible,--a political gladiator,
ready for a "set-to" in any crowd,--he is beaten in his own chosen field,
and stands to-day before the country as a convicted usurper,
a political criminal, guilty of a bold and persistent attempt
to possess himself of the legislative powers solemnly secured to Congress
by the Constitution.

No vindication could be more complete,
no condemnation could be more absolute and humiliating.
Unless reopened by the sword, as recklessly threatened in some circles,
this question is now closed for all time.

Without attempting to settle here the metaphysical and somewhat
theological question (about which so much has already been said and written), whether once in the Union means always in the Union,--agreeably to the formula.

Once in grace always in grace,-- it is obvious to common sense that the
rebellious States stand to- day, in point of law, precisely where
they stood when, exhausted, beaten, conquered, they fell powerless
at the feet of Federal authority. Their State governments were overthrown,
and the lives and property of the leaders of the Rebellion were forfeited.
In reconstructing the institutions of these shattered and overthrown States,
Congress should begin with a clean slate, and make clean work of it.

Let there be no hesitation. It would be a cowardly deference
to a defeated and treacherous President, if any account were made of
the illegitimate, one-sided, sham governments hurried into existence
for a malign purpose in the absence of Congress. These pretended governments, which were never submitted to the people, and from participation in which four millions of the loyal people were excluded by Presidential order, should now be treated according to their true character, as shams and impositions, and supplanted by true and legitimate governments,
in the formation of which loyal men, black and white, shall participate.

It is not, however, within the scope of this paper to point out
the precise steps to be taken, and the means to be employed.
The people are less concerned about these than the grand end to be attained.

They demand such a reconstruction as shall put an end to the present anarchical state of things in the late rebellious States,--where frightful murders and wholesale massacres are perpetrated in the very presence of Federal soldiers.

This horrible business they require shall cease. They want a reconstruction
such as will protect loyal men, black and white, in their persons and property;
such a one as will cause Northern industry, Northern capital, and Northern
civilization to flow into the South, and make a man from New England
as much at home in Carolina as elsewhere in the Republic.
No Chinese wall can now be tolerated. The South must be opened
to the light of law and liberty, and this session of Congress
is relied upon to accomplish this important work.

The plain, common-sense way of doing this work, as intimated
at the beginning, is simply to establish in the South one law,
one government, one administration of justice, one condition
to the exercise of the elective franchise, for men of all races
and colors alike. This great measure is sought as earnestly
by loyal white men as by loyal blacks, and is needed alike by both.
Let sound political prescience but take the place of an
unreasoning prejudice, and this will be done.

Men denounce the negro for his prominence in this discussion;
but it is no fault of his that in peace as in war, that in
conquering Rebel armies as in reconstructing the rebellious States,
the right of the negro is the true solution of our national
troubles. The stern logic of events, which goes directly to the
point, disdaining all concern for the color or features of men,
has determined the interests of the country as identical with
and inseparable from those of the negro.

The policy that emancipated and armed the negro--now seen to
have been wise and proper by the dullest--was not certainly more
sternly demanded than is now the policy of enfranchisement.
If with the negro was success in war, and without him failure,
so in peace it will be found that the nation must fall or flourish
with the negro.

Fortunately, the Constitution of the United States knows no distinction
between citizens on account of color. Neither does it know any difference
between a citizen of a State and a citizen of the United States.
Citizenship evidently includes all the rights of citizens,
whether State or national. If the Constitution knows none,
it is clearly no part of the duty of a Republican Congress
now to institute one.

The mistake of the last session was the attempt to do this very thing, by a renunciation of its power to secure political rights to any class of citizens,
with the obvious purpose to allow the rebellious States to disfranchise,
if they should see fit, their colored citizens. This unfortunate blunder
must now be retrieved, and the emasculated citizenship given to the negro
supplanted by that contemplated in the Constitution of the United States,
which declares that the citizens of each State shall enjoy all the rights
and immunities of citizens of the several States,--so that a legal voter
in any State shall be a legal voter in all the States.

Growing Old Gracefully

2008-10-26T15:16:00.000-04:00

Sometimes we have to consider some changes to our life-styles. I knw I do.

GROWING OLD GRACEFULLY

Today the average duration of human life in the United States is just about 70 years for women and a little less for men. Conservative experts believe that man is really build to last about 100 years; and that medial advances and more healthful living habits could bring this about within a generation or two.

What good is it to add years to life if we do not also add life to years? In fact, unless people learn to enjoy life and to grow old gracefully, the extra years may be an additional burden.

From 18 to 30 years is roughly the period of highest physical and mental vigor. The experiences we accumulate from the day we are born help us to conserve and to use our physical and mental abilities more wisely, so that for some time after 30 years we are able to perform increasingly well in spite of slowly slipping vigor. After age 50 the increasing accumulation of experience is no longer able to offset the now more rapidly energy and therefore aging begins to assert itself noticeably and in many ways.

A number of things may come about gradually such as people who have not used eyeglasses before may at some time in their forties need them for reading, and in the fifties they usually need bifocals.

Also in the forties, people are likely to put on weight because there is a general slowdown in the oxidation rate of the aging body tissue. Also we tend to do less strenuous work with no reduction in the amount of food consumed.

And in the fifties there is likely to be some loss of hearing. Usually the high-pitched tomes go first, so words with the sounds of F, S, and TH are confused. A hearing aid may be needed in some cases.

Aging is generally accompanied by a loss in physical and mental flexibility. This is noticed in a tendency to become stiff in the joints; in slower comeback after a strenuous trip, excessive "night life," or hard work; in slower healing of wounds, sore muscles, and sprains; in slower recovery of pep after an illness; and in greater difficulty to adjust to new people, new places, and new ideas.

Men, especially, will notice loss of muscular strength. There will be increased unsteadiness and delicate muscle movements will be more clumsy and the stride in waking will become shorter. The conclusion now is that the performance and ability of the elderly has long been underestimated and can be greatly improved by a proper diet, sleep and exercise along with rest and relaxation.

Many elderly people tend to lose their joy and will to live and chronic worriers may mope around and withdraw. Medical authorities now say that laughter is one of the best medicines for the elderly. You can always keep your sense of humor tuned up by surrounding yourself with pleasant and interesting people. Just act your age and don't be afraid to laugh at yourself even when no else is around.

Now that we all know the role that physical activity plays in our lives, remember to do something physical every day. The joints must be used or quite simply they will tighten with age creating that stooped worn out appearance we so often associate with getting old. Keep yourself flexible and fit on an exercise program consistent with your ability.ration or two.

Oercome the Fear of Public Speaking

2008-10-13T13:26:00.001-04:00

Overcome the Fear of Public Speaking
By: Roger Bourne

Hear you are, perfectly relaxed as you attend the farewell party of Joe.Your boss comes up and asks," Would you give the farewell speech to Joe in 10 minutes time?""I can't'" you splutter, "my vocal chords are paralyzed."And the fear kicks in."I can't do this!" I must be crazy!"That doesn't work so now you wait for the floor to open up and swallow you.That doesn't happen either.Public Speaking creates a great deal of anxiety in most people and arises when they face the prospect of giving a speech, particularly for the first time.The truth is that public speaking is always a mixture of terror and exhilaration.For everyone.It's just like snow skiing.When you start, all you can think about is how awkward you are, how dangerous it is and how you'll never be able to do this.You get one turn right, get up a little bit of speed, the snow starts to fly in the sunshine and a tiny bit of excitement pops up.Later, as you become a more accomplished skier, the balance between terror and exhilaration changes.Now you are zipping down the slopes, carving those turns and feeling like an Olympic Champion!But there is always that little bit of anxiety lurking, as you speed across the snow.Typically for beginners in public speaking, all we experience is the terror.Waiting for our turn to come, starting our speech, the terror remains.This seems to consume us, makes us irrational and we often feel paralysed.Then somehow we get through the presentation, come from the stage and as the numbness wears off, the next feeling we have is relief that the ordeal is over.However, we still retain a sneaking regard for our courage in making that speech and a small glow of exhilaration starts to burn within.Particularly if we can stop saying to ourselves, "how bad we were."In fact, as you walk from the spotlight, say, "Well done indeed," to yourself.Why?Because it's true.With more practice, the amount of terror reduces and the amount of excitement increases.Now you do another speech, another presentation and pretty soon you actually realise that you are enjoying this and you become amazed.And slowly you become hooked on the excitement of giving a speech.So much so that when you go to fridge in the night for a drink, the fridge light comes on, and you give a 5-minute presentation!And then the fun starts to creep in.And by the way.If you do not have any nervousness or excitement just before you speak, you will come across to your audience as flat.Did you know that some of the greatest orators in the world have been known to be physically sick, before giving a stirring speech.So, always be kind to yourself.You will get better, with every presentation that you make.But you have to make the presentations.So learn the information and then simply "do it!"
Author BioRoger Bourne has been involved in Public Speaking, Personal Development and Coaching for more than 25 years. As published author of "From Fear to Fame in Public Speaking," he knows how to makes it clear and simple for people getting started in Public Speaking. Visit: www.feartofame.com
Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

Where You Can Find Online Treasures...

2008-10-06T12:57:00.001-04:00

I like the look of this watch and I'd love to wear it, but.... I have to wait around for someone to give it to me - if ever. I most likely will have to save my sheckles and buy it, or something like it.

You, on the other hand, can find this and other treasures at Jim's Old Soldier And Gift Shop, my online store.

As An Aid On Your Journey...

2008-08-27T16:05:00.001-04:00

Many who try to change their life style also turn to nutritional supplements as a way to aid their journey.

Visit my Health Zone for a healthy array of health-related products and supplements.

Spiritual New Age Parapsychology Books

2008-08-27T16:03:00.000-04:00

Spiritual New Age Parapsychology Books
By: David Gau-Ghan

Many people believe that new age books are different from spiritual books, even though there are so many books available that are described as new age spiritual books. If we look at the terms new age and spiritual, we find similarities, where spiritual refers to soul or spirit and new age has been described as 'of or relating to spiritual and consciousness raising movements'. New age books encompass health, medicine, philosophy, religion and the occult. And yet, the term new age was only coined in recent decades, mainly from the 1970's. So that begs the question - is there such a thing as a New Age?Many so-called new age books (and spiritual books) that have been written over these past few decades are emphatic that we are indeed in a new age spiritual era that is NEW in every aspect to what has come before. However, researching older spiritual books and philosophy books shows that humankind has passed through eras of high enlightenment before - inspirational times of metaphysical and spiritual awareness that equals or surpasses our current times. So is this perhaps not a new age as such, but simply a remembering of metaphysical, esoteric, inspirational parapsychology and spiritual powers that all of us possess but have temporarily forgotten. If this be the case, then perhaps a more apt term would be Mind Body Spirit.Which brings us to another so-called new age term ... parapsychology. New age parapsychology is the study of paranormal phenomena and the term parapsychology comes from the Greek para 'beside, beyond' and psychology, derived from the Greek psyche 'soul, mind'. So, here we are back to the spiritual again or, as mentioned above, Mind Body Spirit. And yet, some people still insist that spiritual books, new age books and new age parapsychology are totally separate themes. Perhaps that's why more and more people are coining the phrase Mind Body Spirit in an attempt to mold these various terms into a more unified category.If we look more closely at the core messages in the various spiritual books, new age books, metaphysical, esoteric, parapsychology, philosophy and even self improvement books, we often find similarities that are sometimes veiled in different terms that could all be better described as Mind Body Spirit. Yes, even philosophy books, which are essentially the belief or system of beliefs accepted as an authoritative account by a group or philosophy school, have similarities to each other and also to the more recent spiritual new age parapsychology and metaphysical esoteric books. The various philosophy books available today, which are scriptures handed down over many centuries that are the core beliefs of the world's many religions, also have strong similarities in the original message, although the interpretation of these books over the ages has led to contrasting viewpoints.Considering the strife that such opposing views of philosophy books over the ages has caused, perhaps this new age of parapsychology, with its metaphysical, esoteric and spiritual messages and books will help break down these old belief systems that have divided humanity for so long, particularly when unified under the more acceptable catch-phrase of Mind Body Spirit. The proliferation of self improvement books alone has brought a spiritual awareness to thousands, if not millions, who seek to grow through better knowing themselves. Old philosophy books are being rewritten in more spiritual new age terminology and marketed under various terms, not only new age and spiritual, but also metaphysical books, esoteric books, new age parapsychology, inspirational books, self improvement and even philosophy books. An increasing number of these books are being grouped, on websites and also in physical bookstores, under the Mind Body Spirit label.The overriding influence of these books is inspirational, encouraging readers to delve deeper into themselves to discover their true spiritual nature and it is encouraging to see so many spiritual new age parapsychology (Mind Body Spirit) books coming out in increasing numbers each year. Two such books are listed on www.1-inspirational-quote-book.com although many readers place them into various categories. They are a mixture of metaphysical, spiritual, esoteric and self improvement books, even though they are based in a sci-fi theme. Above all, they are inspirational, told from the viewpoint of an extra-terrestrial race of Beings who are concerned about the direction we are taking. Regardless of the various viewpoints, they will easily fall into the more generalized Mind Body Spirit category and, overall, the feedback from readers has been fantastic, many of them describing the books as 'inspirational and thought provoking'. As one reader wrote 'The story slowly engulfed me, drew me in until I was on my own journey. It opened my mind, enticing me to read more. I ask, is this just a novel or a key to our future...?'
Send this page to:
Author BioBorn November 30 in New Zealand, Gau-Ghan shares the same birthday as Mark Twain. And likewise, avid readers will stick with Gau-Ghan like paint to the picket fence in Huckleberry Finn. His books on new age parapsychology and spirituality will challenge your view on life.
Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

Broke? Fix It Yourself: Be Wealthy

2008-06-18T11:43:00.000-04:00

Broke? Fix It Yourself: BE Wealthy

By: Carina MacInnes

If you're reading this right now you probably have been broke, are broke, or know someone who is struggling with being broke. The pain and suffering of being in this state is truly awful. Being broke causes thoughts of despair, feelings of failure, desperation, struggle, lack and need. Being broke prevents us from reaching our potential, from living our lives freely. Being broke prevents us from being wealthy.

How is this possible? Like attracts like. Being broke attracts more experiences of being broke. It is a vicious cycle, once that can very easily be transformed once we understand the fundamental laws of how our mind and spirit interact with the universe.

It is your underlying state of BEING, in this case, being broke, that creates the resultant thoughts and feelings in your mind. As a package, this whole message is broadcast to the universe, which in return gives you more of the same: experiences of being broke.

One of the laws of manifestation is that we must BE before we can DO, and DO before we can HAVE. Of course modern society has twisted this all around. Being broke is a powerful message we are sending to the universe and ourselves. We are in a state of BEING, and it is broke. This will inform our actions to act in ways to continue to be broke, and we will continue to have this condition of being broke in our lives.

Your life experience is an outer reflection of your inner reality. All the thoughts and feelings you hold, consciously and unconsciously, are what create the experience that is your life. Your past created your present, and your present is creating your future.

It can be hard to understand that we are responsible for what we experience. I remember being unhappy, and then experiencing events that I perceived as causing me to be unhappy. Then I would say to myself, I am unhappy because of this... no wonder I am unhappy. I was trapped in my own vicious cycle and had no idea it was me who was responsible for my experiences of unhappiness.

To break the cycle I first needed to know what was broken in order to fix it. It was the message I was sending out. I found there was a very simple way to fix it.

If I notice one day that I am unhappy, and understand that BEING unhappy is the cause of my continuing experience of unhappiness, it is that day that I can choose to change. All I need to do to break the cycle is: choose to be happy. It doesn't take anything from outside myself to be happy. All I have to do is gain awareness, pause, and pull up from within myself the state of being happy, replacing the unhappiness. We all have this capacity.

Choosing is an exercise of free will. You can choose BE happy, healthy, wealthy, whatever you desire. Take a moment and just BE happy. It is possible for anyone to do and a very powerful exercise once you have done it and understood it. If you are being happy, you will do things that make you happy, and you will attract happy experiences into your life. Being happy is the first step towards living a happy life. It seems almost like a riddle, but understanding it unravels the secrets of life.

If you find yourself broke, look within. You'll find you feel broke, and are in a powerful state of BEING. The awareness of this gives you the choice. You can choose your state of being. Imagine what it is like to feel wealthy. Take that feeling and hold it, you are now BEING wealthy. This is how to break the vicious cycle of being broke. By BEING wealthy, you are now transforming the signals you are broadcasting. You are emanating wealth and the laws of cause and effect have no choice but to bring to you what you already are. Now your actions will begin to bring to you the wealth you feel inside.

By being conscious of your states of being, you can choose to change them. The positive results will return to you without fail, following the natural laws of the universe.

Author Bio
Carina MacInnes is an author and entrepreneur who is giving away a free e-course with wealth secrets by her favorite mentor. Receive it now: milliondollarsecret@robotreply.com She offers a powerful way to increase both health and wealth in your life. See her site here: imagineacai.com

Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

Joe Vitale and "The Secret"

2008-06-14T20:47:00.001-04:00

Self Improvement - Journey of discovery

2008-04-05T17:51:00.000-04:00

Self Improvement - Journey of Discovery!
By: David Gau-Ghan

"The way you think, not only affects your own life, but others around you - it affects your world. You have the power to change the world you live in." - White Star So who, you may ask, is White Star?On face value, White Star is a character in the series of books The Blue Star Millennium and Quest for Genesis. Many readers,after viewing these books, have invariably asked the question "were these books channeled?" Of course, that query begs another question, "What is channeling?"Well, there are various possibilities, including the Channel being a vehicle for another entity to speak through them, or simply verbalizing their own subconscious thoughts. Hmmm, subconscious... Yes! But what about the super-conscious?"There are several parts of your Essence living simultaneous lives. A part of you will always remain in the higher realms. This is your Higher Self, which is a spark of the Essence that permeates all of creation, and which is the Creator. You are all Sons and Daughters of this Essence, Co-creators of all that you see and experience."Okay, from this point of view, isn't it possible that we are ALL capable of channeling these higher wisdoms? After all, isn't it just tapping into the higher force, the fountain of wisdom of which we are all a part? So why do so many of us choose to go to others to hear the messages?Admittedly, in times of emotional trauma it's often comforting to go to others for guidance. Such experiences, perhaps, could be viewed as valuable stepping stones that eventually lead to the question "Are they any more capable of tapping into the source than you are?""Every individual has the potential to heal the planet and to help unify the people in co-operation and understanding. Every individual has the power of creative visualization. Each of you has the potential to use your power of thought to bring about change in your own environment. There is power in numbers and the more people who project positive thought-forms at the same time, the more powerful the effect. Now the future is in your hands. Put a little effort into creating the future that you desire, and you will achieve miraculous rewards. It is up to you!"In that case, you may ask, why do we limit ourselves by incarnating on this physical plane at all? It is as though we have temporary amnesia of our true origins - our true divinity."You are on a wondrous journey of self-discovery. From the moment you separated from the Source you chose to go through certain experiences in order to learn and develop through these trials. It is not wise to seek the end of the journey prematurely. There is much to be gained along the way. Become engrossed in the excitement of your quest and you will suddenly realise that you are a Co-Creator in the Divine Plan. You create your own reality. You re-affirm your reality through your beliefs. If you dwell on the negative, you will manifest that negativity in your life. Similarly, if you concentrate on the positive, you re-affirm that reality, in your personal life, and throughout the universe."So is it all positive, love and light? You would be right in pointing out that there seems to be so much negativity in the world. How does this equate with the above metaphysics philosophy statements? Hmmm ... perhaps we should ask the White Star."Each of us has a negative aspect of ourselves, although most of us would prefer not to acknowledge that darker side. The darker side can be so powerful as to form its own identity. We keep it alive through feeding it on a constant diet of negative thoughts and emotions. It can reach a stage where it will fight for its very survival, as a separate entity. If its existence is threatened, the Dark Side will come out from the shadows to confront us. It will try and destroy us if we allow it to do so."Whew! Okay, so if we're honest with ourselves, we all have the potential for the destructive negative side of our nature to gain the upper hand. If this happens, how do we conquer that negative aspect?"You cannot fight your negative side. The more you deny it, the more you empower it. The ultimate test is to accept and recognize the negative aspect of your Being. As long as you deny it, it will have power over you. When you accept it, you love it into submission. By merging with it, you transform it."So why, I hear many of you ask, would we come to the Earth in the first place. Why come to a world where duality exists, where positive and negative forces are in perpetual conflict?"The physical plane holds the greatest lessons. It is the ultimate testing ground. When trapped in the physical form, you are forced to confront your main obstacles to spiritual development. If you are able to conquer these tests while in the physical body, you make the greatest progress spiritually.""The choice is yours. The choice has always been yours. You can either use your power of thought to manifest unity and harmony in your life, or you can add to the discord by allowing negative thoughts to dominate. Which is it to be? It is your decision. The way you think, not only affects your own life, but others around you; it affects your loved ones; it affects your world. You have the power to change the world you live in."White Star, as stated above, is a fictional character in a series of metaphysical books. The intention of making these mind, body, soul/spirit quotes available is to stimulate ideas in YOU, the reader, to help you discover your own power. The initial response to White Star quotes has been very positive and in recent times, many ezine, newsletter and magazine editors use these quotes as a supplement to their articles. The quotes are excerpts from the new age spirituality books displayed on the web site www.1-inspirational-quote-book.com The stories are fiction, written in an exciting and action packed format that is a medium for ideas to help bring about positive change in our world. Some view them as new age spirituality, others as simply inspirational. Regardless of personal beliefs, all have found them entertaining and enlightening. As one reader wrote "The story slowly engulfed me, drew me in until I was on my own journey, opening my mind, enticing me to read more. I ask, is this just a novel or a key to our future ...?Unlike any other books, if you take the time to read and digest these thought provoking stories, I guarantee your outlook on life will never be the same - it will certainly change for the positive. As the White Star would say "You have the power to change the world you live in!"
Send this page to:
Author BioBorn November 30 in New Zealand, Gau-Ghan shares the same birthday as Mark Twain. And likewise, avid readers will stick with Gau-Ghan like paint to the picket fence in Huckleberry Finn. His stories on mind, body, soul and spirituality will challenge your view on life.
Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

Mirror of Self Reflection

2008-02-03T00:50:00.000-05:00

Mirror of Self Reflection
By: Robin J

Age creeps up on us all slowly stripping away our youth then one day we look into the mirror and the body does not seem to match the sparkle in the eyes anymore. Then we begin to look over our shoulder at our past and think I wonder what would have happened or what if I had taken this path?
The concept of there only being one life and a limited amount of time to live it is to most people like someone saying there is no Santa Claus. We simply want to believe in forever just like we wanted to believe in happily ever after as children.
You may think I am advocating quitting your job and going trekking in Africa but no that is not where this is going. Living is an art in itself it is not about time management or fit as much in as I can. It is about passion, depth, vision, love and much more.
I wish I could remember the taste of a meal long after I have eaten it, I wish I could see my partners face long after they have left, I wish I could feel my friends hug as she embraced me long after she had let go, I wish I could picture the one time my Mother said I love you long after she is gone, I wish I was so in tune with life, so aware, so enlightened that every moment was my greatest and I could feel it, taste it, and truly live it.
I do not want to wait until someone tells me there are no more moments left I do not want to feel cheated because a Higher Power took my moments away. I want to be grateful a Higher Power gave me the moment to begin with.
As youth slips away and it will slowly I want to be able to look in the mirror and see the happiness of a life lived with depth and passion etched in my face. I want to be able to feel the touch of my lovers hand as it brushed away my tears not just remember it. But unless I am truly aware truly in the moment at the time allowing myself to feel, letting go of expectations, letting go of the need to hold something back, unless that happens all I will have is a vague memory. I want more I want an imprint so strong I can carry it with me and feel it when the moments are at an end.
My wish for you is that you may look in the mirror of self reflection long before youth has disappeared. I hope you will realize life doesn't need to be filled up with things rather it needs to be soaked up for all it has to offer right now at this very moment. My wish for you is that you may experienced even for a second a state of total being when everything falls away and time stands still and you can taste the air you breath, feel the earth pulsate beneath your feet and hear the whisper of the Angels.
Send this page to:
Author BioAustralian Psychic/Artist/Writer living in Canada. I do reading by donation at my site angelpsychicblessings.com.
Article Source: http://www.ArticleGeek.com - Free Website Content

The Emancipation Proclamation

2008-01-29T10:26:00.000-05:00

THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION:

By the President of the United States of America:
A PROCLAMATION
Whereas on the 22nd day of September, A.D. 1862, a proclamation
was issued by the President of the United States, containing,
among other things, the following, to wit:
"That on the 1st day of January, A.D. 1863, all persons held as
slaves within any State or designated part of a State the people
whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall
be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive
government of the United States, including the military and naval
authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such
persons and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any
of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.
"That the executive will on the 1st day of January aforesaid,
by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any,
in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in
rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State
or the people thereof shall on that day be in good faith
represented in the Congress of the United States by members
chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified
voters of such States shall have participated shall, in the
absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive
evidence that such State and the people thereof are not then
in rebellion against the United States."
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-In-Chief
of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed
rebellion against the authority and government of the United States,
and as a fit and necessary war measure for supressing said
rebellion, do, on this 1st day of January, A.D. 1863, and in
accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the
full period of one hundred days from the first day above mentioned,
order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the
people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion against
the United States the following, to wit:
Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard,
Palquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension,
Assumption, Terrebone, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans,
including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida,
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the
forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the
counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Morthhampton, Elizabeth City, York,
Princess Anne, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and
Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the present left
precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.
And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do
order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said
designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall
be, free; and that the Executive Government of the United States,
including the military and naval authorities thereof, will
recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.
And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to
abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and
I recommend to them that, in all case when allowed, they labor
faithfully for reasonable wages.
And I further declare and make known that such persons of
suitable condition will be received into the armed service of
the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and
other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.
And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice,
warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke
the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor
of Almighty God.
-------------------------------------
On Jan. 1, 1863, U.S. President Abraham Lincoln declared free
all slaves residing in territory in rebellion against the federal
government. This Emancipation Proclamation actually freed few
people. It did not apply to slaves in border states fighting on
the Union side; nor did it affect slaves in southern areas already
under Union control. Naturally, the states in rebellion did not
act on Lincoln's order. But the proclamation did show Americans--
and the world--that the civil war was now being fought to end slavery.
Lincoln had been reluctant to come to this position. A believer
in white supremacy, he initially viewed the war only in terms of
preserving the Union. As pressure for abolition mounted in
Congress and the country, however, Lincoln became more sympathetic
to the idea. On Sept. 22, 1862, he issued a preliminary proclamation
announcing that emancipation would become effective on Jan. 1, 1863,
in those states still in rebellion. Although the Emancipation
Proclamation did not end slavery in America--this was achieved
by the passage of the 13TH Amendment to the Constitution on Dec.
18, 1865--it did make that accomplishment a basic war goal and
a virtual certainty.
DOUGLAS T. MILLER

More COMMON SENSE from John Paine

2007-12-16T22:56:00.000-05:00

OF THE PRESENT _ABILITY_ OF _AMERICA_, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS _REFLECTIONS_

I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not
confessed his opinion that a separation between the countries,
would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in which we
have shewn less judgement, than in endeavouring to describe, what we call
the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for independence.
As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time,
let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things,
and endeavour, if possible, to find out the VERY time. But we need not
go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH FOUND US.
The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact.
It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies;
yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world.
The Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and
disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that
pitch of strength, in which no single colony is able to support itself,
and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more,
or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force is
already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible,
that Britain would never suffer an American man of war to be built,
while the continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no
forwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we are now;
but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber of the country
is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last,
will be far off and difficult to procure.
Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under
the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more seaport towns
we had, the more should we have both to defend and to lose. Our present
numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no man need be idle.
The diminution of trade affords an army, and the necessities of an army
create a new trade.
Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will
serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave posterity
with a settled form of government, an independent constitution of its own,
the purchase at any price will be cheap. But to expend millions for the sake
of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present ministry only,
is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty;
because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs,
from which they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy
of a man of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart
and a peddling politician.
The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard, if the work
be but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt.
A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest,
is in no case a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards
of one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards
of four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt,
she has a large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy;
yet for the twentieth part of the English national debt,
could have a navy as large again. The navy of England is not worth,
at this time, more than three millions and an half sterling.
The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published without
the following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the
above estimation of the navy is just.
[See Entic's naval history, intro. page 56.]
The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with masts,
yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight months
boatswain's and carpenter's seastores, as calculated by Mr. Burchett,
Secretary to the navy.
[pounds Sterling]
For a ship of a 100 guns - 35,553
90 - - 29,886
80 - - 23,638
70 - - 17,795
60 - - 14,197
50 - - 10,606
40 - - 7,558
30 - - 5,846
20 - - 3,710

And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of
the whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was
at its greatest glory consisted of the following ships and guns:

Ships. Guns. Cost of one. Cost of all
6 - 100 - 35,553 - 213,318
12 - 90 - 29,886 - 358,632
12 - 80 - 23,638 - 283,656
43 - 70 - 17,785 - 764,755
35 - 60 - 14,197 - 496,895
40 - 50 - 10,606 - 424,240
45 - 40 - 7,558 - 340,110
58 - 20 - 3,710 - 215,180
85 Sloops, bombs,
and fireships, one 2,000 170,000
with another, _________
Cost 3,266,786
Remains for guns, _________ 233,214
_________
3,500,000

No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable
of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage are her
natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch,
who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards
and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of their materials they use.
We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of commerce, it being
the natural manufactory of this country. It is the best money we can lay out.
A navy when finished is worth more than it cost. And is that nice point
in national policy, in which commerce and protection are united. Let us build;
if we want them not, we can sell; and by that means replace our paper currency
with ready gold and silver.
In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors;
it is not necessary that one fourth part should he sailors.
The Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement
of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board,
though her complement of men was upwards of two hundred.
A few able and social sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number
of active landmen in the common work of a ship. Wherefore, we never
can be more capable to begin on maritime matters than now,
while our timber is standing, our fisheries blocked up,
and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ. Men of war of seventy
and eighty guns were built forty years ago in New-England,
and why not the same now? Ship-building is America's greatest pride,
and in which she will in time excel the whole world.
The great empires of the east are mostly inland,
and consequently excluded from the possibility of rivalling her.
Africa is in a state of barbarism; and no power in Europe hath either
such an extent of coast, or such an internal supply of materials.
Where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other;
to America only hath she been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia
is almost shut out from the sea: wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar,
iron, and cordage are only articles of commerce.
In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the
little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we might
have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and slept
securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The case now
is altered, and our methods of defense ought to improve with our increase
of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, might have come up
the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia under instant contribution,
for what sum he pleased; and the same might have happened to other places.
Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns might have
robbed the whole continent, and carried off half a million of money.
These are circumstances which demand our attention, and point out
the necessity of naval protection.
Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up Britain,
she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean,
that she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose?
Common sense will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured
to subdue us, is of all others the most improper to defend us.
Conquest may be effected under the pretence of friendship;
and ourselves after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated
into slavery. And if her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours,
I would ask, how is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles
off can be of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all.
Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves?
The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not
a tenth part of them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of them
not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list,
f only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part of such as are
fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time.
The East and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts
over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her navy.
From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted a false
notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if we should
have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that reason, supposed,
that we must have one as large; which not being instantly practicable,
have been made use of by a set of disguised Tories to discourage
our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther from truth than this;
for if America had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain,
she would be by far an overmatch for her; because, as we neither have,
nor claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on
our own coast, where we should, in the long run, have two to one the advantage
of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over,
before they could attack us, and the same distance to return
in order to refit and recruit. And although Britain, by her fleet,
hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade
to the West Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the continent,
is entirely at its mercy.
Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of peace,
if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy.
If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ in their
service ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns,
(the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants)
fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on constant duty,
would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselves
with the evil so loudly complained of in England, of suffering their fleet,
in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks. To unite the sinews
of commerce and defense is sound policy; for when our strength
and our riches play into each other's hand, we need fear no external enemy.
In almost every article of defense we abound. Hemp flourishes even
to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior
to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world.
Cannon we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every
day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our
inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. Wherefore,
what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain we can
expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to the government
of America again, this Continent will not be worth living in.
Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening;
and who will go forth to quell them? Who will venture his life to reduce his
own countrymen to a foreign obedience? The difference between Pennsylvania
and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands, shews the insignificance
of a British government, and fully proves, that nothing but Continental
authority can regulate Continental matters.
Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is,
that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied,
which instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants,
may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the present debt,
but to the constant support of government. No nation under heaven hath
such an advantage at this.
The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far
from being against, is an argument in favour of independance.
We are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united.
It is a matter worthy of observation, that the mare a country is peopled,
the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded
the modems: and the reason is evident. for trade being the consequence
of population, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to
anything else. Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism
and military defence. And history sufficiently informs us, that the
bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation.
With the increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city
of London, notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults
with the patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing
are they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit
to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.
Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in individuals.
It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the Continent into one
government half a century hence. The vast variety of interests,
occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create confusion.
Colony would be against colony. Each being able might scorn each other's
assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little
distinctions, the wise would lament, that the union had not been formed before.
Wherefore, the PRESENT TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it.
The intimacy which is contracted in infancy, and the friendship which
is formed in misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable.
Our present union is marked with both these characters: we are young
and we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles,
and fixes a memorable are for posterity to glory in.
The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never happens
to a nation but once, viz. the time of forming itself into a government.
Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have been
compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of making laws
for themselves. First, they had a king, and then a form of government;
whereas, the articles or charter of government, should be formed first,
and men delegated to execute them afterward but from the errors of other
nations, let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity
--TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT AT THE RIGHT END.
When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the
point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of government,
in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we shall be in
danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who may treat us
in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom? where our property?
As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all government,
to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other
business which government hath to do therewith, Let a man throw aside
that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards
of all professions are willing to part with, and he will be at delivered
of his fears on that head. Suspicion is the companion of mean souls,
and the bane of all good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously
believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity
of religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our Christian
kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious dispositions
would want matter for probation; and on this liberal principle, I look
on the various denominations among us, to be like children of the same family,
differing only, in what is called, their Christian names.
In page forty, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a
Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans)
and in this place, I take the liberty of rementioning the subject,
by observing, that a charter is to be understood as a bond
of solemn obligation, which the whole enters into,
to support the right of every separate part,
whether of religion, personal freedom, or property.
A firm bargain and a right reckoning make long friends.
In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large
and equal representation; and there is no political matter
which more deserves our attention. A small number of electors,
or a small number of representatives, are equally dangerous.
But if the number of the representatives be not only small,
but unequal, the danger is increased. As an instance of this,
I mention the following; when the Associators petition was before
the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present,
all the Bucks county members, being eight, voted against it,
and had seven of the Chester members done the same, this whole province had
been governed by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to.
The unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made
in their last sitting, to gain an undue authority over the delegates
of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power
out of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates
were put together, which in point of sense and business would have
dishonoured a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a VERY FEW
without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed
IN BEHALF OF THE WHOLE COLONY; whereas, did the whole colony know,
with what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public measures,
they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust.
Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued
would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are different things.
When the calamities of America required a consultation, there was no
method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to appoint persons from
the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with
which they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin.
But as it is more than probable that we shall never be without a
CONGRESS, every well wisher to good order, must own, that the mode
for choosing members of that body, deserves consideration. And I put it
as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether representation
and election is not too great a power for one and the same body of men
to possess? When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember,
that virtue is not hereditary.
It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are
frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes, Mr. Cornwall
(one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-York
Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said, consisted but
of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not
with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary honesty.
[Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a large and equal
representation is to a state, should read Burgh's political disquisitions.]

TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however unwilling
they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and striking reasons
may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously
as an open and determined declaration for independance. Some of which are,
FIRST. -- It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war,
for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators,
and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: hut while America calls
herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however well disposed
she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our present state
we may quarrel on for ever.
SECONDLY. -- It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will
give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that
assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening
the connection between Britain and America; because, those powers would
be sufferers by the consequences.
THIRDLY. -- While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must,
in the eye of foreign nations. be considered as rebels. The precedent
is somewhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for men to be in arms under the name
of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the paradox: but to unite resistance
and subjection, requires an idea much too refined for common understanding.
FOURTHLY. -- Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched
to foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured,
and the peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress;
declaring, at the same time, that not being able, any longer,
to live happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court,
we had been driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her;
at the same time, assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition
towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them:
Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this Continent,
than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain.
Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither
be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us,
and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations.
These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but,
like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a little time
become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance is declared,
the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues putting off some
unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates to
set about it, wishes it over, and is continually haunted with
the thoughts of its necessity.

The Perfect Business Opportunity

2007-11-24T00:41:00.000-05:00

Here is an opportunity to make a good spare time income from a busines of your own. These catalogs list thousands of products to sell! You buy at wholesale and sell at retail and pocket the difference.
The cost? You can own this business for $99. I'll send you the catalogs and order forms asap and you can start selling upon receipt of the catalogs.

Thoughts On The Present State of American Affairs

2007-11-24T00:35:00.000-05:00

THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS

In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts,
plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other Preliminaries
to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice
and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to determine
for themselves; that he will put ON, or rather that he will not put OFF
the true character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond
the present day.
Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between
England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the controversy,
from different motives, and with various designs; but all have been
ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, as the last
resource, decide this contest; the appeal was the choice of the king,
and the continent hath accepted the challenge.
It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who tho' an
able minister was not without his faults) that on his being
attacked in the house of commons, on the score, that his measures
were only of a temporary kind, replied "THEY WILL LAST MY TIME."
Should a thought so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies
in the present contest, the name of ancestors will be remembered
by future generations with detestation.
The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not
the affair of a city, a county, a province, or a kingdom, but of
a continent - of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe.
'Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are
virtually involved in the contest, and will be more or less
affected, even to the end of time, by the proceedings now.
Now is the seed-time of continental union, faith and honour.
The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point
of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge
with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.
By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new aera
for politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen.
All plans, proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April,
i. e. to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacs
of the last year; which, though proper then are superseded
and useless now. Whatever was advanced by the advocates on
either side of the question then, terminated in one and the
same point. viz. a union with Great-Britain: the only difference
between the parties was the method of effecting it; the one
proposing force, the other friendship; but it hath so far
happened that the first hath failed, and the second hath
withdrawn her influence.
As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation which,
like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were,
it is but right, that we should examine the contrary side
of the argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries
which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain,
by being connected with, and dependent on Great Britain:
To examine that connection and dependence, on the principles
of nature and common sense, to see what we have to trust to,
if separated, and what we are to expect, if dependant.
I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath
flourished under her former connection with Great Britain
that the same connection is necessary towards her future
happiness, and will always have the same effect.
Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument.
We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk
that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years
of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty.
But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly,
that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more,
had no European power had any thing to do with her. The commerce,
by which she hath enriched herself, are the necessaries of life,
and will always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe.
But she has protected us, say some. That she has engrossed
us is true, and defended the continent at our expense as well
as her own is admitted, and she would have defended Turkey
from the same motive, viz. the sake of trade and dominion.
Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices,
and made large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted
the protection of Great Britain, without considering,
that her motive was INTEREST not ATTACHMENT; that she
did not protect us from OUR ENEMIES on OUR ACCOUNT,
but from HER ENEMIES on HER OWN ACCOUNT, from those
who had no quarrel with us on any OTHER ACCOUNT,
and who will always be our enemies on the SAME ACCOUNT.
Let Britain wave her pretensions to the continent,
or the continent throw off the dependence, and we should
be at peace with France and Spain were they at war with Britain.
The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against connections.
It has lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies
have no relation to each other but through the parent country,
i. e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest,
are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly
a very round-about way of proving relationship, but it is the
nearest and only true way of proving enemyship, if I may so call it.
France and Spain never were. nor perhaps ever will be our enemies
as AMERICANS, but as our being the subjects of GREAT BRITAIN.
But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame
upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young,
nor savages make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion,
if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true,
or only partly so and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY
hath been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites,
with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias
on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England,
is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum
for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from EVERY PART
of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but
from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England,
that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home,
pursues their descendants still.
In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits
of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England)
and carry our friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood
with every European Christian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment.
It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations
we surmount the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge
our acquaintance with the world. A man born in any town
in England divided into parishes, will naturally associate most
with his fellow-parishioners (because their interests in many
cases will be common) and distinguish him by the name of NEIGHBOUR;
if he meet him but a few miles from home, he drops the narrow idea
of a street, and salutes him by the name of TOWNSMAN; if he travel out
of the county, and meet him in any other, he forgets the minor divisions
of street and town, and calls him COUNTRYMAN, i. e. COUNTRYMAN;
but if in their foreign excursions they should associate in France
or any other part of EUROPE, their local remembrance would be enlarged
into that of ENGLISHMEN. And by a just parity of reasoning,
all Europeans meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe,
are COUNTRYMEN; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared
with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale,
which the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones;
distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of
the inhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent.
Wherefore I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied
to England only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous.
But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does
it amount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy,
extinguishes every other name and title: And to say that
reconciliation is our duty, is truly farcical. The first
king of England, of the present line (William the Conqueror)
was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of England are descendants
from the same country; therefore, by the same method of reasoning,
England ought to be governed by France.
Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies,
that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. But this
is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither do
the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never suffer
itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British arms
in either Asia, Africa, or Europe.
Besides what have we to do with setting the world at defiance?
Our plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us
the peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the
interest of all Europe to have America a FREE PORT. Her trade
will always be a protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver
secure her from invaders.
I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew,
a single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected
with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage
is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe,
and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we will.
But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection,
are without number; and our duty to mankind at large,
as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance:
Because, any submission to, or dependence on Great Britain,
tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels;
and sets us at variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship,
and against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market
for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of it.
It is the true interest of America to steer clear of European contentions,
which she never can do, while by her dependence on Britain,
she is made the make-weight in the scale of British politics.
Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace,
and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power,
the trade of America goes to ruin, BECAUSE OF HER CONNECTION WITH ENGLAND.
The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not,
the advocates for reconciliation now, will be wishing for separation then,
because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of war.
Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood
of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, 'TIS TIME TO PART.
Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America,
is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the other,
was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise at which the continent
was discovered, adds weight to the argument, and the manner in which it
was peopled increases the force of it. The reformation was preceded
by the discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant
to open a sanctuary to the Persecuted in future years,
when home should afford neither friendship nor safety.
The authority of Great Britain over this continent,
is a form of government, which sooner or later must have an end:
And a serious mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward
under the painful and positive conviction, that what he calls
"the present constitution" is merely temporary. As parents,
we can have no joy, knowing that THIS GOVERNMENT is not sufficiently
lasting to ensure any thing which we may bequeath to posterity:
And by a plain method of argument, as we are running the next generation
into debt, we ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly
and pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly,
we should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years
farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few
present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight.
Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offense,
yet I am inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine
of reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions.
Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who CANNOT see;
prejudiced men, who WILL NOT see; and a certain set of moderate men,
who think better of the European world than it deserves;
and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be
the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the other three.
It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of sorrow;
the evil is not sufficient brought to their doors to make THEM
feel the precariousness with which all American property is possessed.
But let our imaginations transport us far a few moments to Boston,
that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us
for ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust.
The inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago
were in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative than
to stay and starve, or turn and beg. Endangered by the fire
of their friends if they continue within the city, and plundered
by the soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition
they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in
a general attack for their relief, they would be exposed
to the fury of both armies.
Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offenses
of Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out,
"COME, COME, WE SHALL BE FRIENDS AGAIN, FOR ALL THIS."
But examine the passions and feelings of mankind,
Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of nature,
and then tell me, whether you can hereafter love, honor,
and faithfully serve the power that hath carried
fire and sword into your land? If yon cannot do all these,
then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay
bringing ruin upon posterity. Your future connection with Britain,
whom you can neither love nor honor will be forced and unnatural,
and being formed only on the plan of present convenience,
will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first.
But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask,
Hath your house been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before
your face! Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on,
or bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands,
and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor! If you have not,
then are you not a judge of those who have. But if you have,
and still can shake hands with the murderers, then are you unworthy
the name of husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever
may be your rank or title in life, you have the heart of a coward,
and the spirit of a sycophant.
This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying
them by those feelings and affections which nature justifies,
and without which, we should be incapable of discharging
the social duties of life, or enjoying the felicities of it.
I mean not to exhibit horror for the purpose of provoking revenge,
but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumbers, that we
may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is not in the
power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she do
not conquer herself by DELAY and TIMIDITY. The present winter
is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected,
the whole continent will partake of the misfortune;
and there is no punishment which that man will not deserve,
be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be the means
of sacrificing a season so precious and useful.
It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things,
to all examples from former ages, to suppose, that this
continent can longer remain subject to any external power.
The most sanguine in Britain does not think so. The utmost
stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this time, compass a plan
short of separation, which can promise the continent even
a year's security. Reconciliation is NOW a fallacious dream.
Nature hath deserted the connection, and Art cannot supply
her place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, "never can true
reconcilement grow, where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep."
Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers
have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us,
that nothing Batters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings
more than repeated petitioning-and nothing hath contributed
more than that very measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute:
Witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do,
for God's sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave
the next generation to be cutting throats, under the violated
unmeaning names of parent and child.
To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary,
we thought so at the repeal of the stamp-act, yet a year
or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations,
which have been once defeated, will never renew the quarrel.
As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain
to do this continent justice: The business of it will soon
be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable
degree of convenience, by a power so distant from us, and so
very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot
govern us. To be always running three or four thousand miles
with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months
for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more
to explain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly
and childishness--There was a time when it was proper,
and there is a proper time for it to cease.
Small islands not capable of protecting themselves,
are the proper objects for kingdoms to take under their care;
but there is something very absurd, in supposing a continent
to be perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hath
nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet,
and as England and America, with respect to each other,
reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong
to different systems; England to Europe, America to itself.
I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment
to espouse the doctrine of separation and independance;
I am clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded
that it is the true interest of this continent to be so;
that every thing short of THAT is mere patchwork,
that it can afford no lasting felicity,
--that it is leaving the sword to our children,
and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more,
a little farther, would have rendered this continent
the glory of the earth.
As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards
a compromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained
worthy the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal
to the expense of blood and treasure we have been already put to.
The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion
to the expense. The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto,
is a matter unworthy the millions we have expended. A temporary stoppage
of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have sufficiently balanced
the repeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals been obtained;
hut if the whole continent must take up arms, if every man must be a soldier,
it is scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptible ministry only.
Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all
we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay
a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land. As I have always considered
the independancy of this continent, as an event, which sooner or later
must arrive, so from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity,
the event could not be far off. Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities,
it was not worth while to have disputed a matter, which time would have
finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is like
wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant,
whose lease is just expiring. No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation
than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment
the event of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened,
sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for ever; and disdain the wretch,
that with the pretended title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE can unfeelingly hear
of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul.
But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event?
I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several reasons.
FIRST. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands
of the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation
of this continent. And as he hath shewn himself such an
inveterate enemy to liberty. and discovered such a thirst
for arbitrary power; is he, or is he not, a proper man to say to
these colonies, "YOU SHALL MAKE NO LAWS BUT WHAT I PLEASE.'
And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant as not to know,
that according to what is called the PRESENT CONSTITUTION,
that this continent can make no laws but what the king gives leave to;
and is there any man so unwise, as not to see, that (considering what
has happened) he will suffer no law to be made here, but such as suit
HIS purpose. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want
of laws in America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England.
After matters are made up (as it is called) can there be any doubt,
but the whole power of the crown will be exerted, to keep this continent
as low and humble as possible? Instead of going forward we shall
go backward, or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning.
--WE are already greater than the king wishes us to be, and will he not
hereafter endeavour to make us less? To bring the matter to one point.
Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us?
Whoever says No to this question, is an INDEPENDANT, for independancy
means no more, than, whether we shall make our own laws,
or whether the king, the greatest enemy this continent hath,
or can have, shall tell us "THERE SHALL BE NO LAWS BUT SUCH AS I LIKE."
But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people there
can make no laws without his consent. In point of right and good order,
there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one
(which hath often happened) shall say to several millions of people,
older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to be law.
But in this place I decline this sort of reply, though I will never cease
to expose the absurdity of it, and only answer, that England being the King's
residence, and America not so, makes quite another case. The king's negative
HERE is ten times more dangerous and fatal than it can be in England,
for THERE he will scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting England
into as strong a state of defense as possible, and in America he would never
suffer such a bill to be passed.
America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics,
England consults the good of THIS country, no farther than it answers
her OWN purpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads her to suppress
the growth of OURS in every case which doth not promote her advantage,
or in the least interferes with it. A pretty state we should soon be in
under such a secondhand government, considering what has happened!
Men do not change from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name:
And in order to shew that reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine,
I affirm, THAT IT WOULD BE POLICY IN THE KING AT THIS TIME, TO REPEAL
THE ACTS FOR THE SAKE OF REINSTATING HIMSELF IN THE GOVERNMENT
OF THE PROVINCES; in order, that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTLETY,
IN THE LONG RUN, WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE.
Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.
SECONDLY. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain,
can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind of government
by guardianship, which can last no longer than till the colonies come of age,
so the general face and state of things, in the interim, will be unsettled
and unpromising. Emigrants of property will not choose to come to a country
whose form of government hangs but by a thread, and who is every day tottering
on the brink of commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present
inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispense of their effects,
and quit the continent.
But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but independence,
i.e. a continental form of government, can keep the peace of the continent
and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I dread the event of a
reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more than probable,
that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other, the consequences
of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain.
Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more will
probably suffer the same fate) Those men have other feelings than us who
have nothing suffered. All they NOW possess is liberty, what they before
enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to lose,
they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the colonies,
towards a British government, will be like that of a youth,
who is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her.
And a government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all,
and in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that
Britain can do, whose power will he wholly on paper. should a civil
tumult break out the very day after reconciliation! I have heard
some men say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they
dreaded an independence, fearing that it would produce civil wars.
It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that
is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up
connection than from independence. I make the sufferers case my own,
and I protest, that were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed,
and my circumstances ruined, that as man, sensible of injuries, I could never
relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound thereby.
The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedience
to continental government, as is sufficient to make every reasonable
person easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the least pretence
for his fears, on any other grounds, than such as are truly childish
and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving for superiority
over another.
Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority,
perfect equality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe
are all (and we may say always) in peace. Holland and Switzerland
are without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments,
it is true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation
to enterprising ruffians at HOME; and that degree of pride and insolence
ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture with foreign powers,
in instances, where a republican government, by being formed on more
natural principles, would negotiate the mistake.
If there is any true cause of fear respecting independence,
it is because no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way out--
Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the following hints;
at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion
of them myself, than that they may be the means of giving rise to
something better. Could the straggling thoughts of individuals
be collected, they would frequently form materials for wise
and able men to improve into useful matter.
LET the assemblies be annual, with a President only.
The representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic,
and subject to the authority of a Continental Congress.
Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient districts,
each district to send a proper number of delegates to Congress,
so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole number in Congress
will be at least 390. Each Congress to sit and to choose a president
by the following method. When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken
from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the whole Congress
choose (by ballot) a president from out of the delegates of that province.
In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting
that colony from which the president was taken in the former Congress, and so
proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper rotation.
And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily
just not less than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority--
He that will promote discord, under a government so equally formed as this,
would have joined Lucifer in his revolt.
But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner,
this business must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable
and consistent, that it should come from some intermediate body
between the governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress
and the people. let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in the following manner,
and for the following purpose.
A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each colony.
Two Members from each House of Assembly, or Provincial Convention;
and five representatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital
city or town of each province, for and in behalf of the whole province,
by as many qualified voters as shall think proper to attend from
all parts of the province for that purpose; or, if more convenient,
the representatives may be chosen in two or three of the most populous
parts thereof. In this conference, thus assembled, will be united,
the two grand principles of business KNOWLEDGE and POWER. The members
of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had experience in
national concerns, will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole,
being empowered by the people, will have a truly legal authority.
The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame
a CONTINENTAL CHARTER, Or Charter of the United Colonies;
(answering to what is called the Magna Carta of England) fixing
the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly,
with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and jurisdiction
between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is continental,
not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all men, and above
all things, the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates
of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary for a charter
to contain. Immediately after which, the said Conference to dissolve,
and the bodies which shall be chosen comformable to the said charter,
to be the legislators and governors of this continent for the time being:
Whose peace and happiness may God preserve, Amen.
Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this
or some similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts
or that wise observer on governments DRAGONETTI.
"The science" says he "of the politician consists
in fixing the true point of happiness and freedom.
Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages,
who should discover a mode of government that contained
the greatest sum of individual happiness, with the least
national expense. [Dragonetti on virtue and rewards]
But where, says some, is the King of America? I'll tell you.
Friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind
like the Royal Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear
to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly
set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth
placed on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon,
by which the world may know, that so far we approve of monarchy,
that in America THE LAW IS KING. For as in absolute governments
the King is law, so in free countries the law OUGHT to be King;
and there ought to be no other. But lest any ill use should
afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony,
be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it is.
A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously
reacts on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced,
that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution
of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power,
than to trust such an interesting event to time and chance.
If we omit it now, some [Thomas Anello otherwise Massanello
a fisherman of Naples, who after spiriting up his countrymen
in the public marketplace, against the oppressions of the Spaniards,
to whom the place was then subject prompted them to revolt,
and in the space of a day became king.] Massanello may hereafter arise,
who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together the desperate
and the discontented, and by assuming to themselves the powers of government,
may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a deluge. Should the
government of America return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering
situation of things will be a temptation for some desperate adventurer
to try his fortune; and in such a case, that relief can Britain give?
Ere she could hear the news, the fatal business might be done;
and ourselves suffering like the wretched Britons under
the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose independence now,
ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny,
by keeping vacant the seat of government. There are thousands,
and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious
to expel from the continent that barbarous and hellish power,
which hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us;
the cruelty hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us,
and treacherously by them.
To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us
to have faith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores
instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out
the little remains of kindred between us and them, and can there
be any reason to hope, that as the relationship expires,
the affection will increase, or that we shall agree better,
when we have ten times more and greater concerns to quarrel over than ever?
Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us the
time that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence?
Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last cord
now is broken, the people of England are presenting addresses against us.
There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature
if she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of his mistress,
as the continent forgive the murders of Britain. The Almighty hath
implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for good and wise purposes.
They are the guardians of his image in our hearts. They distinguish us
from the herd of common animals. The social compact would dissolve,
and justice be extirpated the earth, or have only a casual existence
were we callous to the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer,
would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain,
provoke us into justice.
O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny,
but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with
oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and Africa,
have long expelled her--Europe regards her like a stranger, and England
hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare
in time an asylum for mankind.

Kodak EasyShare V1003 Digital Camera, Midnight Black

2007-11-17T21:45:00.000-05:00

$259.95 and free shipping!

Manufacturer Kodak
Manufacturer Part # 1613736
Digital Camera Resolution 10.0 Megapixel
Optical Sensor Type CCD
Total Pixels 6,400,000 pixels
Effective Sensor Resolution 6,100,000 pixels
Light Sensitivity Auto: ISO 80–200
Manual: 80, 100, 200, 400, 800, 1250 selectable
Shutter Speed 4 sec. to 1/1400 sec.
Exposure Metering Center weighted
Exposure Modes Program, automatic
Exposure Compensation ±2.0 EV with 0.3 EV steps
Shooting Programs High-ISO, portrait, night portrait, landscape, night landscape, beach, text, flower, children, fireworks, party, self portrait, close-up, sports, snow, backlight, manner/museum, sunset, panorama, candelight
White Balance Automatic, presets
White Balance Presets Auto, daylight, tungsten, fluorescent, open shade
Still Image Format JPEG/EXIF v2.21
Continuous Shooting Speed 2 frames per second
Memory / Storage Flash Memory MultiMediaCard, SD Memory Card
Integrated Memory 32 MB
Camera Flash Flash Modes Auto, Fill, Off, Red eye
Flash Range 2.0–11.5 ft (0.6–3.5 m) at wide, ISO 200
2.0–6.6 ft (0.6–2.0 m) at tele, ISO 200
Lens System Type Zoom lens
Focal Length Normal: 2 ft (0.6 m)–infinity
Macro, wide: 3.9 in.–2.3 ft (0.1–0.7 m)
Macro, tele: 7.9 in.–2.3 ft (0.2–0.7 m)
Landscape: 32.8 ft (10 m)–infinity
Lens Aperture F/2.7-4.9
Optical Zoom 3.0x
Auto Focus TTL-AF, selectable: multi-zone (5 zones), center zone
Viewfinder Optical, real image zoom
Display Type 2.4" TFT Active Matrix LCD Display
Display Form Factor Built-in
Connectivity Connector Type USB
Expansion Slot(s) 1 x SD Memory Card
Power Optional KODAK EASYSHARE Docks with 1 KODAK Ni-MH Rechargeable Digital Camera Battery KAA2HR; 2 Ni-MH batteries AA, 2 lithium batteries AA; 1 KODAK Lithium Digital Camera Battery CRV3; KODAK Ni-MH 2100mAh Battery Pack, KODAK Digital Camera Battery AA (ZR6); KODAK Alkaline Digital Camera Batteries AA; 3 volt DC input AC adapter
Dimensions
(H x W x D) 2.6" x 3.5" x 1.4"
Weight 5.0 oz.
System Compatibility PC Windows XP, Windows 2000 or later
Mac Mac OS X 10.3 or later
Warranty One Year Limited Warranty
Includes in the Box Kodak EasyShare V1003 Zoom Digital Camera
Kodak Li-Ion Rechargeable Digital Camera Battery KLIC-7003
Carry strap
USB cable
5V AC adapter with power cord(s) for in-camera battery charging
Getting Started Guide with Kodak EasyShare Software Custom camera insert for optional Kodak EasyShare Camera and Printer Docks

Amazing quality prints with 10.0 megapixels
A whopping 10 megapixels means you can make stunning prints up to 30 × 40 in. (76 × 102 cm). Capture bright, beautiful color with KODAK Color Science. However you choose to print — at home, at retail, or online — trust Kodak for picture quality that’s truly exceptional and for memories that will last.

Xerox 3X optical zoom lens
The KODAK RETINAR 3X Optical Aspheric All Glass Lens captures crisp details. Its 3X optical zoom (35 mm equivalent: 36–108 mm) gets you closer to your subjects without reducing image quality. The 4X digital zoom enlarges your pictures even more.

The simple way to share
The V1003 is part of the KODAK EASYSHARE System, so sharing your pictures is amazingly simple. By pressing the exclusive On-camera Share button, sharing starts right on the back of the camera. Have a picture you want to share? Tag it by using the Share button and it will be ready to print or e-mail later. Use the Favorites feature to keep special pictures close without filling up your internal memory.

Here's what you get...

KODAK EASYSHARE V1003 Zoom Digital Camera
KODAK Li-Ion Rechargeable Digital Camera Battery KLIC-7003
Carry strap
USB cable
5V AC adapter with power cord(s) for in-camera battery charging
Getting Started Guide with KODAK EASYSHARE Software
Custom camera insert for optional KODAK EASYSHARE Camera and Printer Docks

What about the warranty?

Warranty Length: One Year
Covers: Parts and Labor
Details: Kodak warrants Kodak EasyShare digital cameras and accessories (excluding batteries) to be free from malfunctions and defects in both materials and workmanship for one year from the date of purchase. Retain the original dated sales receipt. Proof of the date of purchase will be required with any request for warranty repair.

Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession by Thomas Paine

2007-08-24T13:17:00.000-04:00

OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION

Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality
could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions
of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without
having recourse to the harsh, ill-sounding names of oppression and avarice.
Oppression is often the CONSEQUENCE, but seldom or never the MEANS of riches;
and though avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor,
it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy.

But there is another and greater distinction, for which no truly natural
or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the distinction of men
into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are the distinctions of nature,
good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into
the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species,
is worth inquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness
or of misery to mankind.

In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology,
there were no kings; the consequence of which was, there were no wars;
it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into confusion. Holland
without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this last century than any
of the monarchial governments in Europe. Antiquity favours the same
remark; for the quiet and rural lives of the first patriarchs hath
a happy something in them, which vanishes away when we come to the
history of Jewish royalty.

Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the
Heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom.
It was the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot
for the promotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honours
to their deceased kings, and the Christian world hath improved
on the plan, by doing the same to their living ones. How impious
is the title of sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst
of his splendor is crumbling into dust!

As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justified
on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be defended on the
authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as declared
by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of government
by kings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have been very smoothly
glossed over in monarchical governments, but they undoubtedly merit the
attention of countries which have their governments yet to form.
RENDER UNTO CAESAR THE THINGS WHICH ARE CAESAR'S is the scripture
doctrine of courts, yet it is no support of monarchical government,
for the Jews at that time were without a king, and in a state of vassalage
to the Romans.

Now three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of the
creation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a king.
Till then their form of government (except in extraordinary cases,
where the Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic administered
by a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had none,
and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that title
but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man seriously reflects on the idolatrous
homage which is paid to the persons of kings, he need not wonder that
the Almighty, ever jealous of his honour, should disapprove of a form
of government which so impiously invades the prerogative of heaven.

Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews,
for which a curse in reserve is denounced against them.
The history of that transaction is worth attending to.

The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideon
marched against them with a small army, and victory, through the
divine interposition, decided in his favour. The Jews, elate with
success, and attributing it to the generalship of Gideon,
proposed making him a king, saying, RULE THOU OVER US, THOU AND THY
SON AND THY SON'S SON. Here was temptation in its fullest extent;
not a kingdom only, but an hereditary one, but Gideon
in the piety of his soul replied, I WILL NOT RULE OVER YOU,
NEITHER SHALL MY SON RULE OVER YOU _THE LORD SHALL RULE OVER YOU._
Words need not be more explicit; Gideon doth not decline the honour,
but denieth their right to give it; neither doth he compliment them
with invented declarations of his thanks, but in the positive style
of a prophet charges them with disaffection to their proper Sovereign,
the King of heaven.

About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into
the same error. The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous
customs of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but
so it was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel's two sons,
who were entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt
and clamorous manner to Samuel, saying, BEHOLD THOU ART OLD, AND THY
SONS WALK NOT IN THY WAYS, NOW MAKE US A KING TO JUDGE US, LIKE ALL
OTHER NATIONS. And here we cannot but observe that their motives
were bad, viz. that they might be LIKE unto other nations, i.e. the
Heathens, whereas their true glory laid in being as much UNLIKE them
as possible. BUT THE THING DISPLEASED SAMUEL WHEN THEY SAID, GIVE US
A KING TO JUDGE US; AND SAMUEL PRAYED UNTO THE LORD, AND THE LORD
SAID UNTO SAMUEL, HEARKEN UNTO THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE IN ALL THAT
THEY SAY UNTO THEE, FOR THEY HAVE NOT REJECTED THEE, BUT THEY HAVE
REJECTED ME, _THAT I SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM._ ACCORDING TO
ALL THE WORKS WHICH THEY HAVE SINCE THE DAY THAT I BROUGHT THEM
UP OUT OF EGYPT, EVEN UNTO THIS DAY; WHEREWITH THEY HAVE FORSAKEN ME
AND SERVED OTHER GODS; SO DO THEY ALSO UNTO THEE. NOW THEREFORE HEARKEN
UNTO THEIR VOICE, HOWBEIT, PROTEST SOLEMNLY UNTO THEM AND SHEW THEM
THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER THEM, I.E. not of any
particular king, but the general manner of the kings of the earth,
whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And notwithstanding the
great distance of time and difference of manners, the character is
still in fashion. AND SAMUEL TOLD ALL THE WORDS OF THE LORD UNTO
THE PEOPLE, THAT ASKED OF HIM A KING. AND HE SAID, THIS SHALL BE
THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER YOU; HE WILL TAKE YOUR
SONS AND APPOINT THEM FOR HIMSELF, FOR HIS CHARIOTS, AND TO BE HIS
HORSEMAN, AND SOME SHALL RUN BEFORE HIS CHARIOTS (this description
agrees with the present mode of impressing men) AND HE WILL APPOINT
HIM CAPTAINS OVER THOUSANDS AND CAPTAINS OVER FIFTIES, AND WILL SET THEM
TO EAR HIS GROUND AND REAP HIS HARVEST, AND TO MAKE HIS INSTRUMENTS OF WAR,
AND INSTRUMENTS OF HIS CHARIOTS; AND HE WILL TAKE YOUR DAUGHTERS
TO BE CONFECTIONARIES, AND TO BE COOKS AND TO BE BAKERS
(this describes the expense and luxury as well as the oppression
of kings) AND HE WILL TAKE YOUR FIELDS AND YOUR OLIVE YARDS,
EVEN THE BEST OF THEM, AND GIVE THEM TO HIS SERVANTS;
AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR SEED, AND OF YOUR VINEYARDS,
AND GIVE THEM TO HIS OFFICERS AND TO HIS SERVANTS
(by which we see that bribery, corruption, and favouritism
are the standing vices of kings) AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH
OF YOUR MEN SERVANTS, AND YOUR MAID SERVANTS, AND YOUR
GOODLIEST YOUNG MEN AND YOUR ASSES, AND PUT THEM TO HIS WORK;
AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR SHEEP, AND YE SHALL BE HIS SERVANTS,
AND YE SHALL CRY OUT IN THAT DAY BECAUSE OF YOUR KING WHICH YE SHALL HAVE
CHOSEN, _AND THE LORD WILL NOT HEAR YOU IN THAT DAY._
This accounts for the continuation of monarchy;
neither do the characters of the few good kings which have lived since,
either sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin;
the high encomium given of David takes no notice of him
OFFICIALLY AS A KING, but only as a MAN after God's own heart.
NEVERTHELESS THE PEOPLE REFUSED TO OBEY THE VOICE OF SAMUEL,
AND THEY SAID, NAY, BUT WE WILL HAVE A KING OVER US,
THAT WE MAY BE LIKE ALL THE NATIONS, AND THAT OUR KING MAY JUDGE US,
AND GO OUT BEFORE US, AND FIGHT OUR BATTLES.
Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he set before
them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and seeing them fully
bent on their folly, he cried out, I WILL CALL UNTO THE LORD,
AND HE SHALL SEND THUNDER AND RAIN (which then was a punishment,
being in the time of wheat harvest) THAT YE MAY PERCEIVE AND SEE
THAT YOUR WICKEDNESS IS GREAT WHICH YE HAVE DONE IN THE SIGHT OF THE LORD,
AND THE LORD SENT THUNDER AND RAIN THAT DAY, AND ALL THE PEOPLE GREATLY
FEARED THE LORD AND SAMUEL. AND ALL THE PEOPLE SAID UNTO SAMUEL,
PRAY FOR THY SERVANTS UNTO THE LORD THY GOD THAT WE DIE NOT,
FOR _WE HAVE ADDED UNTO OUR SINS THIS EVIL, TO ASK A KING._
These portions of scripture are direct and positive.
They admit of no equivocal construction. That the Almighty
hath here entered his protest against monarchical government,
is true, or the scripture is false. And a man hath good reason
to believe that there is as much of kingcraft, as priestcraft,
in withholding the scripture from the public in Popish countries.
For monarchy in every instance is the Popery of government.

To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession;
and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves,
so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult
and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals,
no ONE by BIRTH could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual
preference to all others for ever, and though himself might deserve SOME
decent degree of honours of his contemporaries, yet his descendants might
be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest NATURAL proofs
of the folly of hereditary right in kings, is, that nature disapproves it,
otherwise she would not so frequently turn it into ridicule by
giving mankind an ASS FOR A LION.

Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honours
than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honours could have
no power to give away the right of posterity. And though they might
say, "We chooses you for OUR head," they could not, without manifest
injustice to their children, say, "that your children and your
children's children shall reign over OURS for ever." Because such
an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next
succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool.
Most wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated
hereditary right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils,
which when once established is not easily removed;
many submit from fear, others from superstition,
and the more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest.

This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an
honourable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could we take
off the dark covering of antiquities, and trace them to their first rise,
that we should find the first of them nothing better than the
principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners
or preeminence in subtlety obtained the title of chief among plunderers;
and who by increasing in power, and extending his depredations,
overawed the quiet and defenseless to purchase their safety
by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea
of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a perpetual
exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and unrestrained
principles they professed to live by. Wherefore, hereditary succession
in the early ages of monarchy could not take place as a matter of claim,
but as something casual or complemental; but as few or no records were
extant in those days, and traditional history stuffed with fables,
it was very easy, after the lapse of a few generations, to trump up some
superstitious tale, conveniently timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary
right down the throats of the vulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened,
or seemed to threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one
(for elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many
at first to favour hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as it
hath happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a convenience,
was afterwards claimed as a right.

England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs,
but groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his
senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very
honourable one. A French bastard landing with an armed banditti, and
establishing himself king of England against the consent of the natives,
is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original. It certainly hath no
divinity in it. However, it is needless to spend much time in exposing
the folly of hereditary right; if there are any so weak as to believe it,
let them promiscuously worship the ass and lion, and welcome.
I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb their devotion.

Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? The
question admits but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by election,
or by usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it establishes a
precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary succession. Saul was
by lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, neither does it appear
from that transaction there was any intention it ever should be. If the
first king of any country was by election, that likewise establishes a
precedent for the next; for to say, that the RIGHT of all future
generations is taken away, by the act of the first electors,
in their choice not only of a king, but of a family of kings for ever,
hath no parallel in or out of scripture but the doctrine of original sin,
which supposes the free will of all men lost in Adam;
and from such comparison, and it will admit of no other,
hereditary succession can derive no glory. For as in Adam all sinned,
and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one all mankind
we re subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; as our innocence
was lost in the first, and our authority in the last; and as both disable
us from reassuming some former state and privilege, it unanswerably
follows that original sin and hereditary succession are parallels.
Dishonourable rank! Inglorious connection! Yet the most subtle sophist
cannot produce a juster simile.

As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that
William the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be contradicted.
The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English monarchy will not
bear looking into.

But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary succession
which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and wise men
it would have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens a door
to the FOOLISH, the WICKED, and the IMPROPER, it hath in it the nature
of oppression. Men who look upon themselves born to reign,
and others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest
of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance;
and the world they act in differs so materially from the world at large,
that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests,
and when they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant
and unfit of any throughout the dominions.

Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne
is subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which time
the regency, acting under the cover a king, have every opportunity
and inducement to betray their trust. The same national misfortune happens,
when a king, worn out with age and infirmity , enters the last stage
of human weakness. In both these cases the public becomes a prey
to every miscreant, who can tamper successfully with the follies
either of age or infancy.

The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favour of
hereditary succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars;
and were this true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the most
barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history of
England disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned
in that distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there
have been (including the Revolution) no less than eight civil wars
and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it
makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand on.

The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York
and Lancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years.
Twelve pitched battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought between
Henry and Edward. Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in his turn
was prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of war and the
temper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the ground
of a quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to a palace,
and Edward obliged to fly from a palace to a foreign land; yet,
as sudden transitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his turn
was driven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed him.
The parliament always following the strongest side.

This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not entirely
extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families were united.
Including a period of 67 years, viz. from 1422 to 1489.

In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom only)
but the world in blood and ashes. Tis a form of government which the word
of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it.

If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in some
countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives
without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation,
withdraw from the scene, and leave their successors to tread
the same idle ground. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business,
civil and military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their
request for a king, urged this plea "that he may judge us, and go out
before us and fight our battles." But in countries where he is neither
a judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know
what IS his business.

The nearer any government approaches to a republic the less business
there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name
for the government of England. Sir William Meredith calls it a republic;
but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the corrupt
influence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal,
hath so effectually swallowed up the power, and eaten out the virtue
of the house of commons (the republican part in the constitution)
that the government of England is nearly as monarchical as that of France
or Spain. Men fall out with names without understanding them.
For it is the republican and not the monarchical part of the constitution
of England which Englishmen glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing an house
of commons from out of their own body - and it is easy to see that when
republican virtue fails, slavery ensues. Why is the constitution
of England sickly, but because monarchy hath poisoned the republic,
the crown hath engrossed the commons?

In England a king hath little more to do than to make war
and give away places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish
the nation and set it together by the ears. A pretty business indeed
for a man to be allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for,
and worshipped into the bargain! Of more worth is one honest man
to society and in the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians
that ever lived.

Live A Healthy Lifestyle

2007-08-05T21:23:00.000-04:00

Visit my store. I have hundreds of items that contribute greatly to a healthy lifestyle.

Visit

Health Zone

I am sure you will find something that makes life a great deal better.

On The Origin of Government by Thomas Paine

2007-08-05T20:56:00.000-04:00

OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL.
WITH CONCISE REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION

Some writers have so confounded society with government,
as to leave little or no distinction between them;
whereas they are not only different, but have different origins.
Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness;
the former promotes our POSITIVELY by uniting our affections,
the latter NEGATIVELY by restraining our vices. The one
encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions.
The first a patron, the last a punisher.

Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best
state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one;
for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries BY A GOVERNMENT,
which we might expect in a country WITHOUT GOVERNMENT, our calamity
is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer.
Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings
are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses
of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need
no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary
to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection
of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every
other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. WHEREFORE,
security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows,
that whatever FORM thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us,
with the least expense and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others.

In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of
government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some
sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will
then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world.
In this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought.
A thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man
is so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual
solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of
another, who in his turn requires the same. Four or five united would
be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness,
but one man might labour out of the common period of life without
accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not
remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time
would urge him from his work, and every different want call him
a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death,
for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him
from living, and reduce him to a state in which he might
rather be said to perish than to die.

Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly
arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which,
would supersede, and render the obligations of law and government
unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other;
but as nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will
unavoidably happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first
difficulties of emigration, which bound them together in a common cause,
they will begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other;
and this remissness will point out the necessity of establishing
some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue.

Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the branches
of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters.
It is more than probable that their first laws will have the title only
of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other penalty than public disesteem.
In this first parliament every man, by natural right, will have a seat.

But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase
likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated,
will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on
every occasion as at first, when their number was small,
their habitations near, and the public concerns few and trifling.
This will point out the convenience of their consenting to leave
the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen
from the whole body, who are supposed to have the same concerns
at stake which those who appointed them, and who will act in the
same manner as the whole body would act, were they present.
If the colony continues increasing, it will become necessary
to augment the number of the representatives, and that the interest
of every part of the colony may be attended to, it will be found
best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending
its proper number; and that the ELECTED might never form to themselves
an interest separate from the ELECTORS, prudence will point out
the propriety of having elections often; because as the ELECTED
might by that means return and mix again with the general body
of the ELECTORS in a few months, their fidelity to the public
will be secured by the prudent reflection of not making a rod
for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish
a common interest with every part of the community, they will
mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on
the unmeaning name of king) depends the STRENGTH OF GOVERNMENT,
AND THE HAPPINESS OF THE GOVERNED.

Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered
necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world;
here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and security.
And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived by sound;
however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our understanding,
the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is right.

I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature,
which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is,
the less liable it is to be disordered; and the easier repaired
when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks
on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was noble
for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted.
When the world was overrun with tyranny the least remove therefrom
was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions,
and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated.

Absolute governments (tho' the disgrace of human nature) have this
advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer,
they know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise
the remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures.
But the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex,
that the nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover
in which part the fault lies; some will say in one and some in another,
and every political physician will advise a different medicine.

I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices,
yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the
English constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two
ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials.

FIRST - The remains of monarchial tyranny in the person of the king.
SECONDLY - The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers.
THIRDLY - The new republican materials in the persons of the commons,
on whose virtue depends the freedom of England.

The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people;
wherefore in a CONSTITUTIONAL SENSE they contribute nothing towards
the freedom of the state.

To say that the constitution of England is a UNION of three powers
reciprocally CHECKING each other, is farcical, either the words have
no meaning, or they are flat contradictions.

To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things:

FIRST - That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after,
or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural
disease of monarchy.

SECONDLY - That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose,
are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown.

But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to check
the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power
to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills;
it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has already
supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity!

There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy;
it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him
to act in cases where the highest judgment is required. The state of a king
shuts him from the world, yet the business of a king requires him to know
it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by unnaturally opposing
and destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd and useless.

Some writers have explained the English constitution thus: The king,
say they, is one, the people another; the peers are a house in behalf
of the king, the commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all
the distinctions of a house divided against itself; and though
the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined,
they appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen,
that the nicest construction that words are capable of,
when applied to the description of some thing which either
cannot exist, or is too incomprehensible to be within
the compass of description, will be words of sound only,
and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind,
for this explanation includes a previous question, viz.
HOW CAME THE KING BY A POWER WHICH THE PEOPLE ARE AFRAID TO TRUST,
AND ALWAYS OBLIGED TO CHECK? Such a power could not be the gift
of a wise people, neither can any power, WHICH NEEDS CHECKING,
be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes,
supposes such a power to exist.

But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot
or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se;
for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all
the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know
which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern;
and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is,
check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it,
their endeavours will be ineffectual; the first moving power will
at last have its way, and what it wants in speed, is supplied by time.

That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution,
needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence
merely from being the giver of places and pensions, is self-evident,
wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door
against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish
enough to put the crown in possession of the key.

The prejudice of Englishmen in favour of their own government by king,
lords, and commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason.
Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries,
but the WILL of the king is as much the LAW of the land in Britain
as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding directly
from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more formidable shape
of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the First hath only made
kings more subtle - not more just.

Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice
in favour of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that
IT IS WHOLLY OWING TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE PEOPLE,
AND NOT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE GOVERNMENT,
that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey.

An inquiry into the CONSTITUTIONAL ERRORS in the English form
of government is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never
in a proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under
the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable of
doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate prejudice.
And as a man. who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted to choose
or judge a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a rotten constitution
of government will disable us from discerning a good one.

COMMON SENSE by Thomas Paine

2007-07-31T14:33:00.000-04:00

COMMON SENSE by Thomas Paine

Sense, by Thomas Paine

INTRODUCTION

Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages,
are not YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favour;
a long habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a superficial
appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry
in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides.
Time makes more converts than reason.

As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means
of calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which
might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated
into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken
in his OWN RIGHT, to support the Parliament in what he calls THEIRS,
and as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed
by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into
the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpation of either.

In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every
thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as
censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy,
need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments
are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves unless
too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion.

The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind.
Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, but universal,
and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankind are affected,
and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested.
The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War
against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpating
the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern
of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling;
of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the AUTHOR.

P.S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed,
with a View of taking notice (had it been necessary)
of any Attempt to refute the Doctrine of Independance:
As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will,
the Time needful for getting such a Performance ready for the Public
being considerably past.

Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the Public,
as the Object for Attention is the DOCTRINE ITSELF, not the MAN. Yet it may
not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected with any Party, and under no
sort of Influence public or private, but the influence of reason and principle.

Philadelphia, February 14, 1776

Visit My Stores And Find Something To Buy!

2007-07-26T07:46:00.000-04:00

Please visit

The Discount Electronics And More Store

Jim's Old Soldier And Gift Shop

Health Zone

I'll be away...

2007-07-25T16:58:00.000-04:00

I'll be away for a few days. I hope to develop this blog better when I get back.

Read About "The Bill of Rights" and You.

2007-07-21T21:43:00.000-04:00

Search for books and related items that shed light on this document. You will find it rewarding.

The Bill of Rights

2007-07-21T21:39:00.000-04:00

THE BILL OF RIGHTS

Amendment I
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or
abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the
right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition
the government for a redress of grievances.

Amendment II
A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security
of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear
arms, shall not be infringed.

Amendment III
No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house,
without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but
in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Amendment IV
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures,
shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon
probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and
particularly describing the place to be searched, and the
persons or things to be seized.

Amendment V
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise
infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand
jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces,
or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war
or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the
same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb;
nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness
against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property,
without due process of law; nor shall private property be
taken for public use, without just compensation.

Amendment VI
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right
to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state
and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which
district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and
to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation;
to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have
compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor,
and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.

Amendment VII
In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall
exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be
preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise
reexamined in any court of the United States, than according
to the rules of the common law.

Amendment VIII
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines
imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Amendment IX
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall
not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Amendment X
The powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are
reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.

Visit My Stores!

2007-07-18T23:15:00.000-04:00

Please visit my stores at http://stores.ebay.com/Jims-Old-Soldier-And-Gift-Shop and
http://jsalvatore.qhealthzone.com and shop liberally.

Let's Explore America!

2007-07-04T12:08:00.000-04:00

Let's Explore America - Before It's Too Late

A Good Place to Start, An Idea To Aspire To...

2007-07-04T12:03:00.000-04:00

THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE:

One of MY Favorite Documents to Read and Something to Aspire To...

In Congress, July 4, 1776,
THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them
with another, and to assume among the Powers of the earth, the
separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of
Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of
mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel
them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the
pursuit of Happiness.

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men,
deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.

That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these
ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it,
and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such
principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them
shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established
should not be changed for light and transient causes; and
accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more
disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right
themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.
But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing
invariably the same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under
absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw
off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future
security.

Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such
is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former
Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great
Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all
having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny
over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a
candid world.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and
necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and
pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till
his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has
utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large
districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the
right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable
to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,
uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public
Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance
with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing
with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause
others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable
of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their
exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the
dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States;
for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of
Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations
hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his
Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure
of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms
of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without
the Consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and
superior to the Civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction
foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws;
giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any
Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring
Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and
enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example
and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into
these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws,
and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves
invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his
Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns,
and destroyed the Lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign
mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny,
already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely
paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the
Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high
Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners
of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has
endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the
merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an
undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for
Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have
been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character
is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit
to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British brethren.
We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their
legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We
have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and
settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and
magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common
kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably
interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been
deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must,
therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our
Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind,
Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America,
in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of
the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name,
and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly
publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right
ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved
from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political
connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and
ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent
States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract
Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things
which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of
this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our
Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

JOHN HANCOCK, President

Attested, CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary

New Hampshire
JOSIAH BARTLETT
WILLIAM WHIPPLE
MATTHEW THORNTON

Massachusetts-Bay
SAMUEL ADAMS
JOHN ADAMS
ROBERT TREAT PAINE
ELBRIDGE GERRY

Rhode Island
STEPHEN HOPKINS
WILLIAM ELLERY

Connecticut
ROGER SHERMAN
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON
WILLIAM WILLIAMS
OLIVER WOLCOTT

Georgia
BUTTON GWINNETT
LYMAN HALL
GEO. WALTON

Maryland
SAMUEL CHASE
WILLIAM PACA
THOMAS STONE
CHARLES CARROLL
OF CARROLLTON

Virginia
GEORGE WYTHE
RICHARD HENRY LEE
THOMAS JEFFERSON
BENJAMIN HARRISON
THOMAS NELSON, JR.
FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE
CARTER BRAXTON.

New York
WILLIAM FLOYD
PHILIP LIVINGSTON
FRANCIS LEWIS
LEWIS MORRIS

Pennsylvania
ROBERT MORRIS
BENJAMIN RUSH
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
JOHN MORTON
GEORGE CLYMER
JAMES SMITH
GEORGE TAYLOR
JAMES WILSON
GEORGE ROSS

Delaware
CAESAR RODNEY
GEORGE READ
THOMAS M'KEAN

North Carolina
WILLIAM HOOPER
JOSEPH HEWES
JOHN PENN

South Carolina
EDWARD RUTLEDGE
THOMAS HEYWARD, JR.
THOMAS LYNCH, JR.
ARTHUR MIDDLETON

New Jersey
RICHARD STOCKTON
JOHN WITHERSPOON
FRANCIS HOPKINS
JOHN HART
ABRAHAM CLARK